SCIENCE 

AND 

REVOLUTION 


By  ERNEST  UNTERMAMN 


LIBRARY 

University   of   California 

IRVINE 


SCIENCE   AND 
REVOLUTION 


BY 

ERNEST    UNTERMANN 


CHICAGO 

CHARLES  H.  KERR  &  COMPANY 
1910 


Q 
S 

io 


Copyright,    1905 
BY  CHARLES  H.  KSRR  &  Con r ANT 


PRESS (OF 
JOHN  F.  HIGGINS 

CHICAGO 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.  Proletarian   Science 5 

II.  The     Starting     Point 10 

III.  The    Awakening    of    Philosophy     ...  14 

IV.  A  Step  Forward  in  Greece 20 

V.  A  Step  Backward  in  Rome 28 

VI.     In  the  Slough  of  Ecclesiastic  Feudalism     .  38 

VII.    The  Struggle   for  More  Light     ....  46 
VIII.    The   Rehabilitation   of   Natural   Philosophy 

in    England 54 

IX.     Natural   Philosophy  in  France     ....  62 
X.    A  Reversion  to  Idealism  in  Germany     .     .  70 
XI.    In  the   Melting   Pot  of  the   French  Revo- 
lution        84 

XII.    The  Wedding  of  Science  and  Natural  Phi- 
losophy     91 

XIII.  The  Outcome  of  Classic  Philosophy  in  Ger- 
many        100 

XIV.  Science  and  the  Working  Class     ....  107 
XV.    The    Offspring    of    Science    and    Natural 

Philosophy 127 

XVI.    A  Waif  and  Its  Adoption 153 

XVII.     Materialist  Monism,  the  Science  and  "  Re- 
ligion "  of  the  Proletariat     .     .     .     .     .     .175 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

I.     PROLETARIAN  SCIENCE 

Human  history  is  not  only  economic  history, 
but  also  natural  history.  The  economic  history 
itself  would  not  be  possible  without  the  founda- 
tion which  is  the  special  domain  of  natural  his- 
tory. The  study  of  human  evolution,  therefore, 
requires  an  analysis  of  the  biological  develop- 
ment of  mankind  as  well  as  of  its  economic 
development.  From  this  point  of  view,  man's 
development  in  society  and  his  general  position 
in  the  universe  appear  as  parts  of  the  entire 
world-process. 

My  method  of  investigation  is  that  of  histor- 
ical materialism.  Just  as  in  the  study  of  eco- 
nomics and  politics  we  trace  certain  ideas,  and 
their  application  in  practice,  back  to  economic 
facts,  so  in  biology  we  trace  certain  ideas  back 
to  the  material  facts  of  the  earth  and  of  the  rest 
of  the  universe.  In  this  way,  we  obtain  a  uni- 
versal key  to  the  entire  intellectual  activity  of 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

mankind,  and  a  sound  basis  for  the  solution  of 
all  the  riddles  of  the  universe. 

I  speak  as  a  proletarian  and  a  socialist.  I 
make  no  pretense  to  be  a  scientist  without  class 
affiliation.  There  has  never  been  any  science 
which  was  not  made  possible,  and  which  was  not 
influenced,  by  the  economic  and  class  environ- 
ment of  the  various  scientists.  I  am,  indeed, 
aware  of  the  fact,  that  there  are  certain  general 
facts  in  all  sciences  which  apply  to  all  mankind 
regardless  of  classes.  But  I  am  also  aware  of 
the  other  fact,  that  the  concrete  application  of 
any  general  scientific  truth  to  different  historical 
conditions  and  men  varies  considerably,  because 
abstract  truths  have  a  general  applicability  only 
under  abstract  conditions,  but  are  more  or  less 
modified  in  the  contact  with  concrete  environ- 
ments. I  make  this  statement  in  order  to  antici- 
pate the  criticism  that  there  can  be  no  special 
science  for  the  proletariat  different  from  any 
other  science.  Of  course,  a  proposition  in  Eu- 
clid is  true,  whether  demonstrated  by  a  prole- 
tarian or  by  a  capitalist.  But  it  is  true  in 
theory  and  in  practice  only  so  long  as  the  prac- 
tical application  of  the  general  conclusion  of  any 
Euclid  proposition  does  not  interfere  with  the 
interests  of  the  ruling  class.  If  it  did  and  a 


PROLETARIAN  SCIENCE 

proletarian  mathematician  were  to  argue  that 
what  is  true  for  the  capitalist  class  must  also 
be  true  for  the  working  class,  the  capitalist  class 
would  speedily  reply  that  it  was  not  at  all  a 
question  of  abstract  truth,  but  of  concrete  power 
to  demonstrate  this  truth. 

Moreover,  I  am  also  aware  that  all  my  ideas 
are  the  products  of  my  past  and  present  environ- 
ment. I  cannot  speak,  therefore,  without  show- 
ing in  all  I  say,  that  I  am  a  member  of  the  class- 
conscious  proletariat,  a  member  of  that  part  of 
the  proletariat  which  has  escaped  from  the  spell  of 
capitalistic  thought.  I  realize  that  a  science, 
however  true  may  be  its  theoretical  conclusions, 
does  not  exist  for  that  part  of  mankind  who  can- 
not apply  its  -abstract  truths  in  their  practical 
life.  The  proletariat  has  no  science  unless  sci- 
ence steps  into  its  ranks  or  develops  out  of  its 
very  life,  for  the  purpose  of  combining  scientific 
theory  with  proletarian  practice. 

In  this  sense,  then,  I  declare  that  my  science 
is  a  proletarian  science.  Not  that  I  do  not  ap- 
preciate what  the  bourgeois  scientists  of  the  past 
have  accomplished,  or  what  the  bourgeois  scien- 
tists of  to-day  are  doing  in  the  way  of  accumulat- 
ing material  for  the  storehouse  of  human  knowl- 
edge. But  proletarian  science  is  the  expression 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

of  the  revolutionary  fact  that  the  proletariat  has 
learned  to  think  for  itself,  that  it  refuses  to 
accept  the  teachings  of  members  of  other  classes 
without  critical  reservation,  that  it  prefers  to 
think  for  itself  in  all  other  sciences  as  it  does 
in  economics  and  politics,  that  it  interprets  the 
facts  of  its  terrestrial  and  cosmic  environment 
as  it  sees  them  from  its  own  standpoint. 

Proletarian  science  is  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence of  the  proletarian  mind  from  the  con- 
trol of  the  capitalist  mind.  And  since  the  pro- 
letariat is  historically  the  most  revolutionary  class 
in  society,  and  the  future  man  in  embryo,  prole- 
tarian science  is  the  most  revolutionary  science 
and  the  embryo  of  the  future  world  philosophy. 
If  this  science  finds  that  its  conclusions  agree 
with  those  of  the  bourgeois  scientists  so  much  the 
better  for  their  science.  If  the  two  do  not  agree, 
then  let  the  best  science  win. 

Since  economic  activity  is  based  on  biological 
necessities  —  primarily  food,  clothing,  and  shel- 
ter —  we  must  understand  biological  facts  as  well 
as  sociological  ones  in  order  to  obtain  a  full  un- 
derstanding of  our  nature  and  development. 
Bourgeois  statistics  tacitly  acknowledge  this  by 
dwelling  on  biological  facts,  such  as  births,  mar- 
riages, diseases,  deaths,  crime,  prostitution.  But 

8 


PROLETARIAN  SCIENCE 

bourgeois  scientists  conveniently  overlook  the  rev- 
olutionary suggestions  which  come  from  their 
tacit  combination  of  sociology  and  biology. 

The  proletarian  scientist,  on  the  other  hand, 
recognizes  the  vital  connection  between  econom- 
ic and  biological  facts.  He  understands  that 
the  very  consciousness  of  his  own  class  interests, 
and  of  the  historical  mission  of  the  proletariat, 
is  not  only  a  sociological,  but  also  a  biological 
problem,  and  that  his  proletarian  environment 
molds  his  physical  qualities  and  brain  processes 
differently  from  those  of  a  prosperous  and  well- 
fed  bourgeois  living  in  a  beautiful  home  and 
standing  aloof  from  the  uncouth  impressions  of  a 
slum  environment. 

It  is  important  to  emphasize  this,  because  at- 
tempts have  been  made  by  certain  bourgeois 
scientists  to  justify  the  existence  of  different 
economic  classes,  and  the  rule  of  privileged  mas- 
ters, on  the  ground  of  biological  evolution.  But 
the  formation  of  economic  classes  is  not  a  biolog- 
ical necessity.  It  results  originally  from  economic 
changes.  The  economic  advantages  then  produce 
biological  advantages,  and  the  interaction  of  these 
movements  then  continues  to  favor  the  economi- 
cally ruling  class,  up  to  the  time  when  excessive 
wealth  leads  to  the  atrophy  of  essential  organs 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

and  functions,  partly  from  disuse,  partly  from 
physical  excesses. 

In  order  to  present  the  subject  as  a  part  of  the 
entire  world-process,  and  constantly  keep  in  mind 
the  universal  application  of  our  method,  I  shall 
discuss  everything  under  the  aspect  of  environ- 
ment. We  then  see  that  the  world-process  con- 
sists in  a  struggle  of  various  parts  of  the  uni- 
verse against  one  another,  and  in  the  gradual 
ascendency  of  certain  parts  over  all  the  other 
parts  of  their  environment.  And  since  man  is  to 
us  the  most  important  part,  we  shall  observe  HIM 
in  his  struggle  for  the  control  of  his  environ- 
ment. 


II.    THE  STARTING  POINT 

Let  us  start  from  a  secure  foundation  by  de- 
fining our  terms,  before  entering  into  a  discus- 
sion of  man's  conquest  of  his  environment. 

What  do  I  mean  by  man?  What  do  I  mean 
by  man's  environment?  In  attempting  to  answer 
these  questions,  we  must  have  a  definite  point  of 
departure.  The  navigator  who  heads  his  vessel 
for  the  open  sea,  traces  his  first  course  on  his 

10 


THE  STARTING  POINT 

chart  from  some  lighthouse,  cape,  or  other  prom- 
inent and  well-known  point,  the  exact  latitude 
and  longitude  of  which  are  known.  We,  too,  are 
setting  out  on  a  voyage  into  the  open  sea,  the  sea 
of  unknown  ideas.  Where  is  the  first  point  from 
which  we  can  take  our  departure? 

Man  is  body,  mind  and  soul,  so  we  are  told 
by  those  who  claim  to  have  received  this  revela- 
tion direct  by  wireless  message  from  the  un- 
known. But  if  we  are  trying  to  locate  the  exact 
bearings  of  either  mind  or  soul,  we  soon  dis- 
cover that  the  experts  disagree  about  the  latitude 
and  longitude  of  these  two  points.  However  it 
is  generally  admitted  that  the  brain,  the  organ 
of  the  intellect,  is  their  headquarters. 

The  human  brain,  then,  is  our  point  of  depar- 
ture. It  is  tangible  and  its  location  is  fixed. 
About  its  internal  processes,  we  need  not  trouble 
ourselves  for  the  present,  any  more  than  the 
navigator  requires  a  knowledge  of  the  internal 
nature  of  the  lighthouse  from  which  he  marks 
his  first  course.  The  brain  and  its  location  are 
definitely  known  quantities,  definite  enough  to 
make  good  points  of  departure  for  our  inquiry. 

We  know  that  this  brain  is  a  part  of  man's 
anatomy.  It  has  for  its  immediate  environment 
all  the  other  parts  of  the  body.  It  is,  for  instance, 

11 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

directly  connected  with  the  central  nerve  system, 
and  through  this  system  with  the  heart,  the 
lungs,  the  liver,  the  stomach,  with  the  muscles, 
the  connective  tissue,  the  bony  skeleton,  etc.  The 
physical  brain,  and  the  other  physical  parts  of 
the  human  body,  constitute  the  individual  man 
with  whom  I  am  here  dealing.  And  this  indi- 
vidual, and  all  his  fellow-men,  are  the  collective 
man  whose  conquest  of  his  environment  I  under- 
take to  study.  Only  this  natural  man  and  no 
other. 

Now,  what  is  the  environment  which  this  nat- 
ural man  is  to  conquer?  In  explaining  this  I 
must  mention  a  few  things  which  may  seem  triv- 
ial. But  there  is  nothing  that  is  trivial  in  this 
study  except  the  things  which  science  cannot 
grasp  by  inductive  and  analytical  methods.  The 
most  trivial  things  in  the  environment  of  man 
have  a  greater  influence  than  most  of  us  realize. 

Man's  environment,  then,  consists  of  the  clothes 
that  cover  his  skin.  The  house  in  which  he  lives 
and  its  furniture  and  fittings.  The  food  that 
sustains  him.  The  other  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren that  live  around  him.  Further,  the  village, 
town,  or  city,  where  his  house  stands,  and  all  the 
inhabitants  and  their  houses  in  the  same  locality. 
Then  the  county,  state,  nation,  with  their  entire 

12 


THE  STARTING  POINT 

population,  their  social  organization,  their  mode 
of  production,  their  historical  conditions.  Fur- 
thermore, the  air  which  man  requires  for  breath- 
ing, the  climatic  conditions  of  his  locality,  the  soil, 
grass,  flowers,  trees,  animals,  springs,  lakes,  riv- 
ers, seas,  mountains,  not  only  those  near  him, 
but  on  the  entire  surface  of  the  globe ;  the  cosmic 
conditions  immediately  surrounding  this  globe; 
when  the  moon,  the  planets,  the  sun,  the  fixed 
stars,  the  Milky  Way,  the  comets,  and  all  the 
rest  of  the  universe,  whether  he  perceives  it  or 
not.  All  these  things,  always  considered  as 
natural  things,  form  the  environment  of  the 
physical  brain. 

On  the  other  hand,  my  brain  is  a  part  of  the 
environment  of  any  or  all  these  things.  Each 
part  belongs  to  the  environment  of  all  the  other 
parts  of  the  universe,  and  neither  would  be  just 
what  it  is  without  all  the  others. 

But,  some  one  may  say,  mind  and  soul  and 
all  the  rest  of  the  unknown  things  of  the  world 
are  also  parts  of  the  universal  environment  of  our 
brain.  True,  even  if  mind  and  soul  were  but 
imaginary  terms,  they  would  still  be  parts  of 
our  brain's  environment.  But  so  are  the  un- 
known quantities  x,  y  and  z  parts  of  the  environ- 
ment of  the  known  quantities  of  some  algebraic 

13 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

formula.  And  in  attempting  to  find  the  value  of 
the  unknown  quantities  of  any  algebraic  formula 
I  must  rely  on  the  known  quantities  for  a  solu- 
tion of  the  problem.  And  frequently  it  is  found 
in  the  process  of  the  solution  that  one  or  all  of 
the  unknown  quantities  are  equal  to  zero.  It  is 
not  at  all  improbable  that  in  solving  the  equation 
of  man  and  his  environment  I  may  find  that  the 
so-called  mind  and  soul,  as  currently  conceived, 
spell  zero. 

At  all  events,  in  the  attempt  of  solving  my 
equation  of  man  and  his  environment  I  must 
operate  with  the  quantities  which  are  known. 
And  if  I  use  the  terms  mind  and  soul  occasionally 
I  refer  to  them  simply  as  brain  activities,  identi- 
cal so  far  as  our  discussion  is  concerned  with 
any  other  brain  activity  connected  with  thought. 
Whether  mind  and  soul  are  anything  else  but 
brain  activities  we  shall  be  better  able  to  tell 
at  the  end  of  our  journey. 

*     *     *     #     # 


III.    THE  AWAKENING  OF  PHILOSOPHY 

With  man's  material  brain  for  a  starting  point 
we  now  set  out  on  our  discussion  of  the  evolu- 
tion of  theories  of  evolution. 

14 


THE  AWAKENING  OF  PHILOSOPHY 

Three  great  riddles  have  from  time  immemorial 
puzzled  this  brain.  These  riddles  are  the  origin 
of  the  universe,  the  origin  of  life,  and  the  origin 
of  man.  And  the  solution  of  these  riddles  is 
supposed  to  answer  the  questions :  What  will  be 
the  fate  of  the  universe?  What  part  is  death 
playing  in  relation  to  life?  Does  individual  life 
imply  individual  immortality?  And  the  efforts 
made  in  the  ages  past  to  solve  these  problems 
constitute  the  essence  of  all  theories  of  evolution. 

Evolution  means  development.  It  is  frequently 
understood  to  signify  only  development  in  a  for- 
ward direction,  progressive  advance  in  a  straight 
line.  But  the  movement  of  universal  evolution 
does  not  proceed  by  uninterrupted  forward  steps 
of  all  forms  of  matter.  It  is  rather  made  up  of 
advance  and  retreat.  At  any  stage  of  the  world- 
process,  certain  parts  of  the  universe  are  on  the 
upward  grade  of  their  career,  while  others  are 
on  the  downward  grade.  But  out  of  the  general 
interaction  of  the  sum  of  forward  and  back- 
ward movements,  there  seems  to  develop  a  grad- 
ual supremacy  of  one  part  of  the  universe  over 
another,  so  that  things  which  were  the  controlling  • 
element  at  one  epoch  are  gradually  superseded 
by  others,  until  the  concentration  of  the  control 
of  the  entire  process  by  one  factor  changes  the 

15 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

anarchic  interaction  of  apparently  aimless  ele- 
ments into  a  consciously  directed  and  organized 
movement  toward  a  preconceived  aim. 

This  interaction  of  two  movements,  of  progress 
and  reaction,  pervades  every  particle  of  the  uni- 
verse. It  is  going  on  in  conglomerations  of 
masses  as  well  as  in  the  most  minute  particle. 
Is  it  a  wonder,  then,  that  the  same  fluctuations 
are  also  observed  in  the  ideas  of  mankind,  as  we 
find  them  registered  in  the  pages  of  history? 

Birth,  growth,  decay,  and  death,  are  the  great 
stages  in  the  existence  of  all  things  of  this  world. 
This  observation  was  the  basis  for  the  early  ideas 
on  transformation.  But  these  ideas  were  vague 
and  crude,  as  vague  as  the  natural  history  and 
as  crude  as  the  tools  of  early  man.  A  glance  at 
the  maps  of  ancient  Grecian  and  Roman  geogra- 
phers shows  that  their  knowledge  of  the  surface 
of  this  globe  was  very  limited.  Astronomy  was 
then  still  in  its  swaddling  clothes.  Its  scientific 
instruments  consisted  of  sand  glasses,  astrolabes, 
sun  dials,  and  the  like.  General  education  did  not 
exist.  Means  of  communication  and  transporta- 
tion were  in  an  embryonic  state.  The  intercourse 
between  nations  through  navigation  and  com- 
merce was  never  very  extensive,  even  at  the 
most  flourishing  period  of  ancient  history,  com- 

16 


THE  AWAKENING  OF  PHILOSOPHY 

pared  to  modern  standards.  Men,  animals,  and 
plants,  and  their  products,  seemed  to  be  the  only 
things  of  a  passing  nature,  while  all  other  things 
seemed  imperishable  and  eternal. 

At  this  stage,  the  three  great  world  problems 
could  be  answered  only  in  a  speculative  way. 
Positive  facts  bearing  on  them  had  not  yet  been 
collected.     And  since  man's  thoughts  were  natu- 
rally centered  on  himself,  nothing  was  more  log- 
ical than  that  he  should  consider  his  temporal 
abode,  the  earth,  as  the  center  of  the  universe 
and  himself  as  the  center  of  all  life.     This  earth 
was  to  him  a  flat  disc,  bounded  on  the  West  by 
the  Pillars  of  Hercules  (the  Straits  of  Gibraltar), 
and  later,  with  the  extension  of  Phoenician  com- 
merce and  the  Roman  empire,  by  the  Atb.nlic 
Ocean;    in    the   East   by    the    fabulous    C~t':?.y 
(India),  which  was  supposed  to  extend  no  farther 
than  about  the  75th  degree  of  lonrrituc^  er^.t  of 
Greenwich ;  on  the  North  by  the  55th 
latitude;   on  the   South   by   the   Sahara   c 
What  lay  beyond  these  boundaries   \va« 
heard  of,  except  in  fables  and  legends 
primitive  knowledge  of  the  earth 
responded  the  Ptolemaic 
ceived  toward  the  end  c 
Ptolemy  of  Alexandria.    The  heavens,  according 

17 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

to  the  current  conceptions  before  him,  were  placed 
over  the  disc  of  the  earth  like  a  section  of  a 
hollow  globe.  The  stars  were  fixed  to  this  globe, 
or  were  steered  across  it  by  heavenly  pilots,  as 
were  the  sun  and  the  moon.  The  origin  of  life 
and  of  the  universe  was  darkly  hinted  at  in 
mysterious  legends  or  religious  phantasies.  The 
Grecian  legends  of  gods  and  demi-gods,  as  well 
as  the  Buddhist  legends,  and  later  the  German 
and  Norse  legends,  reflect  this  stage  of  human 
philosophy.  Man  was  dominated  by  mysterious 
forces,  and  his  fate  after  death  was  as  mysterious 
as  the  unknown  forces  themselves.  Whatever 
men  could  not  explain  in  their  environment,  they 
translated  into  objects  of  worship  and  awe.  Ptol- 
emy attempted  a  scientific  solution  of  astronomical 
problems  in  his  "  Syntaxis,  A  Treatise  on  the 
Mathematical  Construction  of  the  Heavens."  He 
did  remarkable  work  for  his  time,  the  period 
following  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great.  But 
historical  conditions  were  against  him,  and  he  did 
not  emancipate  himself  from  the  idea  that  the 
earth  was  the  center  of  the  universe  and  man  the 
central  object  of  all  creation. 

When  familiarity  with  iron,  bronze,  and  wood 
work  led  to  a  perfection  of  tools  and  to  a  greater 
division  of  labor,  when  the  ancient  gentile  groups 

18 


THE  AWAKENING  OF  PHILOSOPHY 

with  their  simple  blood  relationships  were  under- 
mined by  these  economic  changes,  when  local 
division  and  property  distinctions  appeared  in  the 
place  of  the  fraternal  relations  of  the  former 
members  of  a  tribe,  when  the  means  of  life  be- 
came abundant  and  a  class  of  leisure  freemen 
thrived  on  the  shoulders  of  a  working  population 
composed  of  slaves,  then  the  study  of  world 
problems  entered  a  new  stage.  The  evolution  of 
the  tools  profoundly  influenced  the  evolution  of 
man's  ideas,  in  those  primordial  days  as  well  as 
ever  after. 

We  then  find  growing  up,  simultaneously  with 
the  gradual  disintegration  of  the  old  faiths, 
schools  of  thinkers  who  base  their  ideas  on  a 
closer  observation  of  tangible  facts.  The  correct- 
ness of  the  current  conception  of  the  world  is 
then  doubted.  With  the  growing  tendency  to 
solve  the  riddles  of  the  universe  by  inductive 
methods  and  experienced  facts,  there  also  de- 
velops a  critique  of  human  relationships,  a  prob- 
ing into  the  meaning  of  right  and  wrong,  good 
and  bad.  When  polytheism  becomes  pantheism, 
materialism  meets  idealism  on  the  field  of 
thought.  And  this  growing  materialism  is  but 
the  first  faint  reflex  of  a  class  struggle  in  ancient 
society.  And  all  philosophies  of  the  world,  no 

19 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

less  than  all  sciences,  have  ever  worn  the  im- 
print of  this  struggle.  It  is  seen  in  the  writings 
of  Confucius.  It  cries  out  from  the  mouths  of 
the  Jewish  prophets.  And  it  has  left  its  mark 
on  the  philosophies  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome. 


IV.    A  STEP  FORWARD  IN  GREECE 

In  ancient  Greece,  it  is  the  time  from  about 
750  to  450  B.  C,  which  gives  expression  in  phi- 
losophy to  the  transition  from  primitive  society 
to  early  class  rule.  And  among  the  materialist 
philosophers  of  those  300  years  of  primitive  Gre- 
cian history,  none  are  more  interesting  for  the 
modern  proletarian  than  Anaximander,  Herakli- 
tos,  and  Empedokles. 

These  philosophers  were  the  first  among  an- 
cient Greeks  to  seek  for  a  natural  explanation  of 
the  universe.  Their  philosophy  was  a  natural 
philosophy  and  was  logically  limited  by  the  scien- 
tific knowledge  of  their  period.  This  knowledge, 
in  its  turn,  was  limited  by  the  development  of  the 
tools  and  the  corresponding  process  of  produc- 
tion. With  the  tools  of  that  period,  and  with 
slave  labor  for  a  basis  of  society,  natural  philoso- 

20 


A  STEP  FORWARD  IN  GREECE 

phy  quickly  found  that  its  powers  of  perception 
were  very  limited.  Hence  none  of  the  early 
Grecian  philosophers  could  offer  any  other  solu- 
tion of  the  world  problems  than  very  daring 
hypotheses.  It  is  characteristic  of  all  these  think- 
ers that  they  complain  about  the  untrustworthi- 
ness  of  human  sense  perceptions. 

Anaximander  assumed  that  innumerable  world 
bodies  developed  by  the  rotation  of  matter  and 
by  condensation  of  gaseous  substances.  The 
earth,  according  to  him,  came  into  existence  in 
the  same  way.  Thus  he  anticipated  the  nebular 
theory  of  Kant,  who  2,400  years  later,  in  1755 
A.  D.,  published  his  "  Natural  History  and  The- 
ory of  Heaven."  And  Anaximander  is  not  only 
the  prophet  of  Kant  and  Laplace  in  cosmogony. 
We  also  find  him  hinting  at  biological  ideas, 
which  were  later  developed  by  Lamarck  and  Dar- 
win. He  asserts,  for  instance,  that  the  first  liv- 
ing beings  of  the  earth  were  produced  by  the 
influence  of  the  sun  on  water,  and  that  animals 
and  plants  gradually  evolved  out  of  those  primi- 
tive living  forms.  Man,  according  to  him,  de- 
veloped out  of  fish-like  animals. 

About  loo  years  after  Anaximander,  similar 
thoughts  were  expressed  by  Heraklitos.  He 
claimed  that  a  continuous  process  of  development 

21 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

pervaded  the  entire  universe ;  that  all  forms  were 
in  constant  flow,  and  that  "  struggle  is  the  father 
of  all  things,"  thus  expressing  the  idea  of  Dar- 
win in  regard  to  a  struggle  for  existence. 

A  little  later,  Empedokles  developed  these  ideas 
still  more.  In  his  didactic  poem,  he  sings: 
"  Long,  long  ago,  whether  boy  or  girl,  I  may 
have  been  in  a  flower,  a  bird,  or  a  fish  .  .  ," 
Hate  and  love  were  to  him  the  two  active  princi- 
ples which  determined  the  evolution  of  all  things. 
This  is  an  embryonic  conception  of  the  subse- 
quent theory  of  atomic  interaction  by  attraction 
and  repulsion.  And  it  is  remarkable  that  Em- 
pedokles believed  in  a  development  of  all  forms 
by  purposeless  interaction  and  thus  indicated  the 
problem,  which  Darwin  solved  in  his  "  Origin  of 
Species,"  the  problem:  How  can  purposeful 
forms  arise  mechanically  without  the  control  of 
some  universal  guiding  mind? 

With  the  victorious  conclusion  of  the  Persian 
wars,  the  industries  and  wealth  of  Athens  grew 
apace.  With  them  grew  also  the  distinction  of 
classes  and  the  intensity  of  the  class  struggles. 
The  small  property  owners,  representing  the  prin- 
ciples of  "  Democracy "  (only  among  freemen, 
however),  opposed  the  aristocratic  tendencies  of 
the  wealthier  freemen.  And  these  struggles  are 


A  STEP  FORWARD  IN  GREECE 

reflected  in  the  ideas  of  the  thinkers  following 
those  early  natural  philosophers,  more  especially 
in  those  of  Demokritos,  Epicurus,  and  their  re- 
actionary opponents,  Socrates,  Plato,  and  Aris- 
totle. 

In  the  ideas  of  Demokritos,  the  influence  of  the 
early  materialist  philosophers  is  still  plainly  vis- 
ible. According  to  him,  nothing  exists  but  atoms 
and  empty  space.  The  atoms  are  infinite  in  num- 
ber and  in  form.  They  are  in  constant  motion, 
falling  through  space  the  faster  the  larger  they 
are.  In  their  fall,  the  larger  atoms  strike  the 
smaller  ones.  These  are  thrown  aside  by  the 
force  of  the  contact  and  continue  in  their  whirl- 
ing motion,  thus  forming  the  beginning  of  the 
first  globes  by  gathering  other  atoms  in  their 
revolutions.  The  atoms,  according  to  Demokri- 
tos, do  not  experience  any  internal  changes.  They 
react  upon  one  another  only  by  pressure  or  shock. 
The  soul  of  man  is  composed  of  fine,  smooth 
atoms,  similar  to  those  of  fire.  These  atoms  pene- 
trate the  whole  human  body  and  produce  the  phe- 
nomena of  life. 

The  theories  of  Demokritos  contain  in  the  germ 
all  the  fundamental  principles  of  modern  mate- 
rialism. And  just  as  he  represented  the  evolu- 
tionary element  in  the  society  of  Athens,  so  in 

23 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

later  historical  periods  the  revolutionary  elements 
of  society  have  always  found  in  materialist 
science  their  strongest  weapons,  while  reaction 
has  ever  relied  upon  idealist  and  metaphysical 
philosophies.  And  be  it  said  at  this  point:  It 
is  not  at  all  necessary  that  the  individual  idealist 
or  metaphysical  philosopher  should  have  con- 
sciously aimed  at  reactionary  political  results  by 
means  of  his  philosophy.  The  mere  presence  of 
idealist  and  metaphysical  ideas  suffices  to  make 
them  useful  in  the  interest  of  reaction,  whether 
the  philosopher  intends  it  or  not. 

Socrates,  for  instance,  who  developed  out  of 
the  ranks  of  the  sophists  and  opened  the  attack 
on  them  when  the  aristocratic  counter-revolution 
in  Athens  grew  apace,  was  not  conscious  of  the 
fact  that  he  was  attacking  the  intellectual  props 
of  democracy  by  attacking  the  humanitarian  and 
natural  philosophy  of  the  sophists.  And  while  in 
his  teachings,  he  ostensibly  sought  to  reform  the 
moral  life  of  his  country-men  by  true  science,  he 
was  in  reality,  by  means  of  his  metaphysical 
conception  of  science,  furnishing  the  aristocratic 
reaction  with  its  intellectual  weapons  against  the 
empirical  science  of  Athenian  democracy.  But 
neither  Socrates  nor  the  sophists  could  get  out  of 
the  vicious  circle  of  their  ideas,  because  both 

24 


A  STEP  FORWARD  IN  GREECE 

Athenian  democracy  and  its  aristocratic  enemy 
were  based  on  slave  labor  and  sought  to  derive 
absolute  concepts,  true  for  all  time,  out  of  rela- 
tive conditions  which  were  based  on  a  fundamen- 
tally unethical  principle,  slavery.  The  internal 
contradictions  of  this  economic  structure  of  dem- 
ocracy and  aristocracy  in  Athens  caused  the 
downfall  of  both  of  them,  and  with  them  fell  also 
the  philosophies  of  their  times. 

So  much  is  evident  from  the  testimony  of  his- 
tory: Whenever  any  proletarian  movement  at- 
tempted to  steal  the  reactionary  thunder  of  super- 
natural philosophies  or  religions,  as  the  early 
Christian  movement  seems  to  have  done,  it  fell 
so  much  the  quicker  under  the  blows  of  reaction, 
for  it  carried  within  itself  the  historical  weakness 
of  the  ruling  class  mind.  On  the  other  hand,  a 
rising  class  other  than  proletarian  that  takes  re- 
course to  materialism  in  its  political  struggle 
against  a  declining  ruling  class  quickly  drops 
materialism  and  espouses  idealism,  when  mate- 
rialisms threatens  to  further  the  interests  of  the 
proletarian  revolution.  This  is  true,  for  instance, 
of  the  modern  capitalist  class.  At  the  beginning 
of  its  struggle  against  feudal  rule,  it  was  com- 
pelled, by  the  historical  connection  of  the  medieval 
church  with  feudalism,  and  by  the  requirements 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

of  its  own  commercial  interests,  to  call  in  the 
help  of  empirical  science  and  materialist  philos- 
.ophy.  But  now  that  this  same  philosophy  is  be- 
coming the  weapon  of  the  rising  proletariat,  cap- 
italism once  more  allies  itself  with  metaphysical 
philosophy  and  mystic  religion.  Materialism  is 
the  handmaid  of  revolution,  and  without  it  no 
proletarian  movement  complies  with  the  historical 
requirements  of  its  evolution. 

The  reactionary  character  of  the  anti-sophist 
philosophies  became  very  plain  in  the  further 
evolution  of  the  followers  of  Socrates.  While 
the  Cynics  and  Cyreneans  strayed  into  practical 
ethics  and  neglected  the  speculative  side  of  the 
Socratic  philosophy,  Plato,  and  later  on  Aristotle, 
gave  to  this  philosophy  its  typical  character  of 
speculative  metaphysics.  This  philosophy  marks 
the  complete  downfall  of  Athenian  democracy, 
the  failure  of  the  early  attempts  at  a  materialist 
monism,  and  the  temporary  victory  of  the  meta- 
physical conception  of  mind  and  of  idealist  dual- 
ism over  empirical  science.  And  the  reactionary 
character  of  Plato's  philosophy  is  stamped  on 
every  page  of  his  Utopian  "  Republic,"  which  he 
intended  to  realize  by  the  help  of  foreign  tyrants 
without  asking  for  the  co-operation  of  his  fel- 
low-citizens. The  political  pupils  of  Socrates 


A  STEP  FORWARD  IN  GREECE 

went  the  whole  length  of  their  reactionary  logic, 
and  names  like  those  of  Xenophon  and  Alkibiades 
were  execrated  by  the  Athenian  democracy,  be- 
cause their  bearers  allied  themselves  with  feudal 
Sparta  against  the  onward  march  of  democratic 
industrialism. 

Aristotle,  in  his  works  on  natural  history,  was 
led  back  to  nature.  This  contact  with  natural 
things  compelled  him  to  recognize,  in  his  phi- 
losophy, the  interaction  of  mind  and  matter. 
Therefore  he  sought  to  reconstruct  the  dualism 
of  Plato,  who  had  placed  mind  entirely  outside 
of  matter,  by  making  mind  the  superior  and  es- 
sential principle  of  matter.  In  thus  combining 
natural  science  and  speculative  philosophy  Aris- 
totle became  the  beau  ideal  of  all  subsequent 
apostles  of  reaction,  who  are  compelled,  by  the 
onward  march  of  empirical  science,  to  adjust 
their  metaphysical  beliefs  to  the  facts  of  experi- 
ence. The  Platonic-Aristotlean  philosophy,  by 
its  pseudo-scientific  character,  became  the  pet  of 
the  Constantinian  reaction  against  proletarian 
Christianity  and  the  legitimate  boon  companion 
of  the  scholastic  thinkers  of  medieval  feudalism. 

With  Epicurus,  materialist  monism  made  one 
last  great  effort  to  rehabilitate  itself  in  the  Gre- 
cian world.  But  at  his  period,  this  world  was 

27 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

already  in  the  final  stages  of  disintegration,  as  a 
result  of  the  conquests  of  Alexander  the  Great. 
Epicurus  tried  to  represent  the  mind  as  a  part 
of  the  atomic  world,  as  a  tangible  object.  Here 
we  also  find  a  first  faint  attempt  to  check  the 
crude  fatalism  and  predestinarian  logic  of  Dem- 
okritos  by  giving  to  this  materialist  mind  a  lim- 
ited scope  of  free  will  through  the  admission  of 
the  possibility  of  accident.  While  Demokritos 
believed  in  merely  two  primitive  movements  of 
his  atoms,  a  falling  and  a  rebounding  motion, 
Epicurus  introduced  the  idea  of  a  deviation  of  the 
atoms  from  the  straight  line.  But  his  philosophy, 
as  well  as  that  of  all  his  predecessors,  suffered 
from  the  insufficiency  of  empirical  data  for  the 
substantiation  of  his  theories.  And  with  the  dis- 
solution of  Grecian  civilization,  Grecian  philos- 
ophy fell  into  the  hands  of  men  representing  other 
classes  and  other  environments.  The  result  was 
an  adaptation  of  Grecian  philosophy  to  the  re- 
quirements of  these  new  men  and  conditions. 


V.    A  STEP  BACKWARD  IN  ROME 

While  Grecian  philosophy  had  been  climbing 
to  the  peaks  of  its  greatness,  Rome  had  been 


A  STEP  BACKWARD  IN  ROME 

struggling  for  the  control  of  the  Italian  peninsula. 
And  now,  when  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  continued 
to  build  upon  the  foundations  of  literature,  sci- 
ence, and  art,  laid  by  his  talented  predecessor  in 
Egypt,  Rome  began  its  wars  of  expansion  by  a 
first  onslaught  upon  Carthage.  Always  engaged 
in  internal  and  external  struggles,  the  rulers  of 
Rome  had  been  compelled  to  give  more  attention 
to  the  practical  side  of  life  than  to  the  speculative. 
In  the  further  development  of  the  Roman  world, 
internal  class  struggles  and  external  wars  of  con- 
quest continued  to  tax  the  resources  of  the  Ro- 
mans for  the  maintenance  of  the  military  power, 
and  it  was  not  until  a  much  later  time  that  a  class 
of  such  wealth  as  that  of  classic  Greece  gave 
breathing  space  to  literature  and  art. 

At  the  time  when  Grecian  philosophy  found  its 
patrons  among  the  Ptolemies,  the  mental  life  of 
the  Romans  had  not  yet  risen  above  the  level  of 
the  Homeric  stage  of  early  Greece.  And  when 
Rome  finally  arrived  at  that  period  of  its  career 
where  philosophy  could  become  acclimatized  in  a 
Roman  atmosphere,  that  is  to  say,  about  the  mid- 
dle of  the  century  preceding  the  dawn  of  Chris- 
tianity, Grecian  philosophy  completely  dominated 
the  ideas  of  all  advanced  thinkers.  Moreover, 
this  philosophy  corresponded  so  fully  to  the  re- 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

quirements  of  the  Roman  empire,  that  it  was  sim- 
ply adopted  ready-made.  But  it  was  by  no  means 
improved  upon.  For  the  thinkers  of  Rome  little 
understood  the  historical  conditions  out  of  which 
this  philosophy  had  been  evolved.  The  works  of 
men  like  Lucretius  and  Cicero  were  either  dreamy 
reflections  of  the  scientific  systems  of  their  Gre- 
i  cian  masters,  or  muddled  by  the  instincts  of  the 
social  class  to  which  the  philosophers  of  Rome 
belonged. 

The  Roman  world  never  arrived  at  an  inde- 
pendent philosophy.  No  sooner  had  the  Roman 
emperors  taken  their  seats,  than  they  were  called 
upon  to  put  down  rebellions  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  to  devote  the  resources  of  their  empire  to  the 
maintenance  of  huge  armies.  Under  these  cir- 
cumstances, science  had  to  give  precedence  to 
epics  and  historical  works.  Philosophy  lived  on 
as  a  Grecian  product.  And  in  proportion  as  the 
Roman  world  disintegrated  under  the  baneful  ef- 
fects of  unprofitable  slave  labor  and  barbarian 
attacks,  it  created  an  environment  in  which  the 
warrior  survived  over  the  thinker.  The  mental 
life  of  the  masses,  which  had  at  no  time  risen 
above  the  barbarian  level,  dragged  along  in  this 
deep  furrow,  and  the  more  the  dissolution  of  the 
Roman  empire  proceeded,  the  farther  did  the  in- 

30 


A  STEP  BACKWARD  IN  ROME 

tellectual  pendulum  swing  back  towards  mys- 
ticism and  idealism. 

Philosophy  as  a  science,  in  its  garbled  Cicero- 
nian form,  now  withstood  less  than  ever  the 
pressure  exerted  against  it  by  priestcraft  and 
retrogressive  obstinacy.  Even  in  the  East,  where 
its  cradle  had  been,  and  where  its  pulse  had  al- 
ways been  strongest,  it  gradually  lost  all  attributes 
of  science  and  was  trampled  under  the  heels  of 
reaction.  All  pillars  of  mental  evolution  gave 
way,  the  Grecian  and  Roman  gods  lay  prostrate, 
and  the  obscurity  of  pre-Grecian  stages  settled 
down  upon  rich  and  poor  alike. 

Among  the  ruling  classes,  brutal  cynicism  and 
anarchist  scepticism  spread  apace.  Their  educa- 
tion was  just  far  enough  advanced  to  enable  them 
to  sneer  at  heaven  and  hell.  But  the  masses,  un- 
taught and  superstitious,  could  not  part  with  the 
consolation  of  mystical  beliefs.  Everything  paved 
the  way  for  the  ascendency  of  some  new  god  who 
should  be  more  powerful  than  any  of  the  dis- 
avowed gods. 

As  soon  as  the  historical  stage  had  been  set  for 
the  enactment  of  this  new  scene,  the  actors  began 
to  play  their  parts.  Of  all  the  religions  then  ex- 
isting, none  was  better  fitted  to  fulfill  the  require- 
ments of  this  historical  situation  than  the  Jewish. 

31 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

It  had  clung  steadfastly  to  its  one  god,  ever  since 
Abraham  emigrated  from  Chaldea  to  avoid  idola- 
try. It  had  withstood  exile,  war,  and  persecu- 
tion. The  Jewish  god  had  but  to  be  dressed  up 
in  a  garb  acceptable  to  all  nationalities  that  now 
mingled  in  the  Roman  provinces  and  in  Rome 
itself.  And  he  needed  but  an  international  force 
that  would  raise  him  to  the  position  of  its  chosen 
patron.  This  force  was  ready  at  hand.  It  was 
the  proletariat,  composed  of  freed  slaves  and  im- 
poverished freemen.  An  international  language 
also  existed.  It  was  a  mongrel  Latin,  with  which 
everybody  was  more  or  less  familiar. 

There  was  a  very  good  reason  why  this  pro- 
letariat should  rally  to  the  support  of  some  inter- 
national religion.  At  various  times,  and  at  wide- 
ly separated  places,  attempts  had  been  made  to 
overthrow  the  ruling  classes  by  force  of  arms. 
These  attempts  met  with  the  same  fate  that  has 
since  befallen  all  similar  revolts  which  were  un- 
dertaken before  the  conditions  for  their  success 
had  matured.  They  were  drowned  in  seas  of 
blood.  And  the  most  Draconic  laws  forbade  any 
organization  which  was  not  officered  by  the  over- 
seers of  the  ruling  classes.  Political  action  was 
likewise  out  of  the  question,  for  the  same  rea- 
sons. 


A  STEP  BACKWARD  IN  ROME 

Religion  was  the  only  hope  of  the  proletariat. 
It  offered  the  only  possibility  of  organization 
which  the  ruling  class  would  not  suppress,  nay, 
which  it  would  promote  for  the  same  reasons  that 
rulers  have  ever  had  for  preserving  religion,  viz., 
because  it  is  an  excellent  means  of  dividing  the 
working  classes  and  of  strengthening  belief  in 
authority. 

It  was  but  logical,  therefore,  that  this  new  re- 
ligion should  first  appear  in  Palestine,  and  that  it 
should  try  to  justify  itself  from  the  ancient  rec- 
ords, which  had  once  been  the  common  heritage 
of  all  members  of  the  twelve  tribes.  The  car- 
penter of  Nazareth  and  his  followers  had  but  to 
step  into  the  shoes  of  the  ancient  tribal  prophets 
in  order  to  get  a  hearing  among  the  workers. 
The  very  arguments  that  once  served  in  the 
mouths  of  the  old  prophets  against  the  usurpation 
of  the  tribal  chiefs,  or  kings,  sounded  familiar  in 
the  mouths  of  the  new  prophets  when  used 
against  the  rulers  of  Christ's  time. 

So  the  new  paganism  tried  to  drive  out  the 
devil  by  the  help  of  Satan.  Christianity  entered 
history  as  the  first  conscious  attempt  of  an  inter- 
national proletariat  to  hide  its  revolutionary  aims 
under  the  cloak  of  a  religion  adapted  to  its  mental 
requirements. 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

It  spread  like  wildfire  among  the  proletariat  of 
the  entire  Roman  empire,  for  the  soil  had  been 
well  prepared  for  it  by  the  historical  conditions. 
Christ  is  reported  to  have  been  crucified  about 
the  year  33.  About  thirty  years  later,  Nero 
burned  Rome  in  order  to  set  loose  the  fury  of  the 
Roman  plebs  against  the  Christians,  who  were 
permeating  the  entire  fabric  of  the  Roman  world. 
But  religion  is  a  double-edged  sword  and  cannot 
be  overcome  by  any  persecutions.  The  Roman 
emperors  had  ample  opportunity  to  learn  this  dur-' 
ing  the  next  300  years.  In  spite  of  all  persecu- 
tions, Christianity  worked  its  way  into  the  very 
heart  of  Roman  society  and  into  the  remotest 
provinces.  It  thrived  on  persecution.  At  last 
the  ruling  class  discovered  that  it  had  neglected 
its  best  weapon  when  it  failed  to  identify  itself 
with  this  new  religious  movement.  Religion  can 
be  overcome  only  by  two  things :  Either  by  an- 
other religion,  or  by  science.  But  the  ruling  class 
had  neither  science  nor  any  other  religion  to  op- 
pose to  this  new  creed.  In  312,  six  years  after 
the  advent  of  Constantine  to  the  throne,  matters 
had  reached  such  a  climax  that  there  remained 
only  one  alternative  to  the  ruling  class:  Either 
to  succumb  between  the  invading  hordes  of  Goths, 


A  STEP  BACKWARD  IN  ROME 

Franks,  Allemanni,  revolts  in  the  provinces,  and 
the  Christian  proletariat,  or  to  divide  and  rule. 

Naturally,  Constantine  grasped  this  last  straw. 
Thanks  to  300  years  of  evolution  under  the  Ro- 
man constitution,  which  was  but  the  political  mir- 
ror of  the  then  existing  mode  of  production, 
economic  distinctions  and  religious  schisms  had 
arisen  among  the  Christians.  The  primitive  com- 
munist practices  had  become  distasteful  to  many 
Christians  who  had  acquired  property  enough  to 
feel  more  kin  to  the  pagan  rulers  than  to  their 
proletarian  brethren.  Under  the  influence  of  their 
material  interests,  these  wealthy  Christians  were 
only  too  prone  to  enter  into  a  protective  alliance 
with  the  pagan  powers  against  the  proletariat  of 
any  and  all  creeds.  The  rulers,  on  the  other 
hand,  had  reached  the  stage,  where  their  only 
safety  lay  in  the  domination  of  the  Christian 
movement  by  the  help  of  the  wealthy  Christians. 
Under  these  circumstances,  we  see  here  a  phe- 
nomenon, which  became  quite  common  later  on, 
and  which  we  noticed  once  before  in  Greece : 
When  scepticism,  or  materialism,  became  useless 
for  the  ruling  class,  and  a  hitherto  persecuted 
philosophy  or  religion  useful,  the  rulers  changed 
their  religion  as  easily  as  if  it  were  a  shirt.  The 
same  tendency  is  once  more  apparent  in  our  own 

35 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

time,  where  formerly  protestant  or  atheist  rulers 
are  showing  an  ever  more  pronounced  willingness 
to  enter  the  fold  of  the  catholic  church  in  ex- 
change for  the  services  of  this  church  against  the 
rising  revolution  of  the  modern  proletariat. 

Whenever  the  rulers  are  ready  for  this  step, 
some  great  miracle  happens.  About  1,600  years 
before  Constantine,  Moses  had  suddenly  seen  a 
great  light  in  the  bush.  He  saw  it  several  times 
later,  when  new  property  relations  demanded  im- 
peratively a  transformation  of  the  persistent  tribal 
customs  into  "  laws  "  more  in  keeping  with  the 
interests  of  the  hierarchy.  He  had  not  been  in 
close  touch  with  the  Egyptian  princes  and  their 
priestcraft  without  learning  from  them.  Now  it 
was  Constantine's  turn  to  see  a  great  light.  Saul 
had  seen  the  same  thing  before  he  became  Paul, 
only  for  a  different  purpose.  The  new  Saul  be- 
came, not  a  Paul,  but  a  Judas,  and  the  Judases  in 
the  Christian  movement  were  lavishly  rewarded 
by  him  with  grants  of  land  and  money.  The 
farce  was  inscribed  "  In  hoc  signo  vinces"  and 
presto,  the  Christian  religion  became  the  church 
of  the  ruling  class.  The  Christian  proletariat  had 
played  with  fire  and  got  burned.  But  it  was  the 
best  they  could  do  under  the  prevailing  historical 
conditions.  They  repeated  the  same  mistake 

36 


A  STEP  BACKWARD  IN  ROME 

many  times  after,  and  they  will  repeat  it,  until 
they  learn  to  use  a  weapon  which  no  ruling  class 
can  wrest  from  their  hands, —  proletarian  sci- 
ence. 

In  vain  did  the  proletariat  strive  to  overcome 
ruling  class  religion  by  proletarian  religion.  No 
sooner  did  the  ruling  class  make  the  Christian 
religion  its  own,  than  its  struggling  parties  took 
sides  in  the  religious  schisms  of  the  Christians, 
and  used  them  as  means  for  their  own  dynastic 
ends.  The  adoption  of  the  Nicene  creed  at  the 
council  of  Nicaea  in  325,  and  the  condemnation 
of  Arius  who  opposed  the  mystical  additions  of 
Athanasius  to  the  primitive  Christian  creed, 
marked  the  complete  control  of  the  church  or- 
ganization by  the  ruling  class.  And  when  Julian 
the  Apostate  championed  the  Arian  creed  in  the 
attempt  to  hold  his  position  against  the  intrigues 
of  the  Athanasian  diplomats,  he  made  the  same 
experience  which  the  Christian  proletariat  had 
made  before  him.  In  a  mystic  religion,  mys- 
ticism always  holds  the  best  trumps.  The  coun- 
cil at  Constantinople,  in  381,  marked  another 
step  in  the  direction  of  mysticism,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing struggles  for  and  against  image  worship, 
it  was  again  the  reactionary  tendencies  which 
won  the  day. 

37 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

We  need  not  go  into  the  details  of  the  evolu- 
tion of  Christianity  at  this  stage.  Suffice  it  to 
say  that  henceforth  it  was  lost  to  the  proletariat 
as  a  weapon  in  its  struggles  against  the  ruling 
classes,  and  has  ever  since  proven  itself  a  bulwark 
of  retrogressive  counter-revolutions. 


VI.    IN  THE  SLOUGH  OF  ECCLESIASTIC  FEUDAL- 
ISM 

No  sooner  had  the  church  of  the  ruling  Chris- 
tians become  the  Roman  state,  than  the  "  souls  " 
of  men  were  "  saved  "  by  suppressing  their  free 
intellectual  development.  Science  was  tied  hand 
and  foot.  The  strictest  regulations  were  issued, 
forbidding  practices  which  were  then  almost  the 
only  means  of  inductive  research,  such  as  the 
anatomical  study  of  human  corpses.  This  was 
still  vetoed  by  the  church  in  the  I5th  century.  In 
ancient  Greece,  natural  philosophy  owed  most  of 
its  inductive  facts  to  physicians.  Under  the  rule 
of  the  Roman  Christians,  physicians  were  prac- 
tically compelled  to  take  up  metaphysics,  if  they 
cared  at  all  for  philosophical  research.  Science 
fell  almost  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  priests. 


ECCLESIASTIC  FEUDALISM 

It  was  but  natural,  that  Platonic-Aristotlean 
philosophy  should  become  the  favorite  of  these 
religious  thinkers,  and  that  under  their  influence, 
astronomy  should  assume  the  form  of  astrology, 
and  chemistry  that  of  alchemy. 

Nor  were  economic  and  political  conditions 
favorable  to  the  inductive  modes  of  scientific  re- 
search. In  the  first  place,  the  Huns  began  their 
westward  and  southward  march  in  374,  two  years 
after  Ulfila  had  translated  the  Bible  into  Gothic. 
And  in  410,  five  years  after  the  completion  of  the 
VULGATE  by  Jerome,  the  Visigoths  pillaged  Rome. 
The  Huns  were  beaten  on  the  Catalaunian  fields 
in  415,  but  in  455,  the  Vandals  paid  a  visit  to 
Rome.  The  struggle  between  the  East-Roman 
and  West-Roman  empires,  the  continued  inva- 
sions of  barbarians  from  the  North,  of  the 
Arabs  from  the  East,  kept  Europe  in  a  state  of 
restless  ferment.  And  this  condition  of  things 
continued  from  century  to  century,  so  long  as 
feudalism,  the  successor  of  Roman  slavery,  en- 
dured. Later  we  have  the  Moors  in  the  South, 
the  Turks  in  the  East,  the  Norsemen  in  the 
North;  the  crusades,  beginning  in  1,095;  tne 
raids  made  in  the  interest  of  the  Mediterranean 
merchant  towns  against  the  Turks.  All  these 
disturbances  discouraged  education  at  the  ex- 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

pense  of  warrior's  virtues.  Even  late  in  the  mid- 
dle ages,  most  of  the  "  noble  "  heroes  were  con- 
tent to  leave  the  despised  art  of  letters  to  monks 
and  physically  weak  bookworms. 

On  the  economic  field,  production  lagged  along 
in  its  feudal  slowness,  without  stimulating  the  in- 
vention of  labor-saving  machinery,  of  improved 
methods  of  cultivation,  or  of  scientific  instruments 
and  processes.  Alchemy  and  astrology  occasion- 
ally stumbled  across  some  great  discovery,  but 
did  not  know  what  to  do  with  it  when  they  found 
it.  The  stone  of  the  wise,  the  elixir  of  life,  the 
making  of  gold  by  laboratory  methods,  the  idea 
that  phlogiston,  or  fire-air,  was  the  cause  of  fire, 
these  and  similar  things  mark  the  scientific  meth- 
ods on  which  the  philosophy  of  the  middle  ages 
based  its  speculations,  which  never  dared  to  de- 
viate very  far  from  the  religious  dogma. 

Communication  and  travel  were  very  difficult 
and  dangerous.  Marco  Polo,  in  1271,  was  the 
first  great  traveler  who  sought  to  popularize  the 
results  of  his  travels.  Enlightenment  inevitably 
took  a  religious  disguise,  as  before.  This  is  evi- 
dent, for  instance,  in  the  anti-papal  movement  of 
Arnold  of  Brescia  in  the  middle  of  the  I2th 
century,  and  in  the  struggle  of  the  humanists 
against  the  obscurantists  in  the  I5th  and  i6th 

40 


ECCLESIASTIC  FEUDALISM 

centuries.  But  whatever  may  have  been  discov- 
ered by  inductive  methods  in  the  secrecy  of  the 
investigator's  cell,  the  outside  world  never  heard 
about  it.  Excommunication,  the  stake,  the  dun- 
geon, poison  and  dagger,  were  always  held  in 
readiness  by  the  rulers,  and  their  spiritual  ad- 
visers, for  any  daring  thinker  who  might  have 
ventured  forth  with  any  startling  discovery  in 
natural  science.  The  horrors  of  bloodshed  on 
every  hand  were  intensified  by  the  burning  of 
"  heretics,"  and  to  make  the  terror  complete,  the 
"  Black  Plague  "  swept  across  Europe  about  the 
middle  of  the  I4th  century. 

But  evolution,  though  denied  official  recogni- 
tion, went  its  fateful  way.  Very  soon,  the  church 
itself  felt  the  giant  hand  of  social  progress 
clutching  at  its  heart. 

The  church,  instead  of  building  its  foundation 
on  the  Rock  of  Ages,  had  built  on  a  far  less 
"  eternal "  ground,  viz.,  on  the  exploitation  of 
feudal  serfs.  Now  this  foundation  had  been  grad- 
ually undermined  since  the  I3th  century.  More 
than  once,  the  feudal  serfs  had  stirred  restlessly 
under  the  heavy  yoke  of  the  feudal  church.  In 
Great  Britain,  they  had  rallied  around  John  Ball 
and  Wat  Tyler,  about  the  last  quarter  of  the  I4th 
century,  and  threatened  the  rule  of  the  church. 

41 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

On  the  continent,  the  wars  against  the  Turks  had 
kept  the  class  struggle  more  under  cover.  But 
along  with  the  decline  of  the  worldly  power  of 
the  church,  there  had  come  a  mighty  growth  of 
commercial  cities.  These  had  taken  part  in  the 
movements  against  the  oriental  rulers  who  were 
cutting  western  commerce  off  from  the  resources 
of  India  and  Persia.  Since  the  nth  century,  the 
Mediterranean  cities  had  tried  to  capture  the 
eastern  ports,  such  as  Alexandria,  Jaffa,  Tyre, 
Constantinople,  and  to  control  the  land  routes  to 
India  across  Asia  Minor.  But  the  capture  of 
Constantinople  by  the  Turks  in  1453  settled  the 
question  of  the  control  of  these  ports  and  routes 
in  favor  of  the  Turks. 

Cut  off  from  the  land  route  to  the  East,  the 
trading  class  naturally  turned  their  thoughts  to 
the  open  sea  in  the  West.  The  religious  fervor 
of  the  crusades  had  gradually  given  way  to 
frankly  avowed  commercial  considerations,  and 
in  the  last  crusades,  it  had  not  been  so  much  a 
question  of  saving  the  "  Holy  Sepulchre,"  as  of 
amassing  wealth.  And  when  the  possibility  of 
gathering  spoils  had  vanished  beyond  recall,  the 
desire  to  keep  the  grave  of  Christ  in  the  care  of 
Christian  hands  had  lost  its  dearest  incentive. 

But  an  outlet  had  to  be  found  for  the  irre- 


ECCLESIASTIC  FEUDALISM 

pressible  longing  to  expand  which  filled  the  breast 
of  the  trading  class.  It  had  gradually  dawned  on 
the  thinkers  of  Europe,  that  this  globe  was  a 
good  deal  larger  than  the  Ptolemaic  system  sup- 
posed. The  travels  of  Marco  Polo,  made  possi- 
ble by  the  unification  of  Eastern  Asia  under  the 
rule  of  Genghis  Khan,  had  revived  the  ancient 
wonder-tales  which  the  conquests  of  Alexander 
the  Great  had  carried  back  into  the  Western 
world.  The  invasions  of  the  Huns  had  reminded 
Europe  forcibly  of  the  fact  that  there  was  a  vast 
territory  of  unknown  extent  beyond  the  gener- 
ally accepted  boundaries  of  the  globe,  and  the 
temporary  control  of  Eastern  ports  in  the  Medi- 
terranean and  Black  Sea,  together  with  the  estab- 
lishment of  advanced  trading  posts  in  Asia 
Minor,  had  given  a  substantial  basis  to  the  idea 
that  the  Eastern  world  contained  fabulous  riches. 
Besides,  even  in  ancient  times,  the  Ptolemaic  sys- 
tem had  not  been  accepted  by  all  thinkers  as  cor- 
rect. .  Now  the  doubts  as  to  its  correctness  grew 
still  more. 

The  improvement  of  shipbuilding  had  even 
before  this  time  permitted  daring  navigators  to 
venture  out  into  the  unknown  seas  of  the  West. 
And  when  it  became  a  vital  necessity  for  the 
trading  class  to  get  in  touch  with  the  East  by 

43 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

some  hitherto  untried  route,  it  was  not  long  be- 
fore exploring  trips  were  undertaken.  It  is  true, 
no  scientific  proofs  of  the  unsoundness  of  the 
Ptolemaic  system  had  as  yet  been  produced.  But 
the  practical  navigators  did  not  wait  for  the  the- 
oretical proofs  of  its  unsoundness.  On  a  south- 
ward trip  made  by  Bartolomeo  Dias  in  the  years 
1486  and  1487,  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  was  dis- 
covered and  the  map  of  the  world  considerably 
extended.  On  October  12,  1492,  Columbus 
landed  on  San  Salvador,  Bahama  Islands.  In 
1497,  John  Cabot  discovered  the  mainland  of 
North  America.  The  year  after  that,  Sebastian 
Cabot  went  in  search  of  a  Northwest  passage  to 
China,  and  Vasgo  de  Gama  landed  in  India  after 
a  successful  trip  around  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope. 
In  1499,  Ojeda  and  Vespucci  sailed  along  the 
east  coast  of  South  America. 

The  earth  had  suddenly  grown  to  twice  its  for- 
mer size.  Columbus  had  made  good  his  claim 
that  it  was  a  round  globe,  not  flat.  The  discov- 
eries of  other  navigators  clinched  his  proof. 
While  the  wise  men  were  still  debating  this  stu- 
pendous revolution  of  their  ideas,  the  trading 
class  vigorously  pushed  forward  into  the  newly 
discovered  territory  and  began  to  gather  untold 
wealth.  The  church  winked  its  eye  and  pocketed 

44 


ECCLESIASTIC  FEUDALISM 

its  share.  Although  these  discoveries  were  the 
entering  wedge  which  split  open  the  entire  dog- 
matic world-conception,  the  church  did  not  think 
of  condemning  the  daring  navigators  as  heretics. 
Their  heresy  paid  well.  Besides,  these  explora- 
tions offered  a  great  field  for  the  expenditure  of 
more  religious  fanaticism  in  a  new  direction. 
There  were  new  nations  to  convert  by  fire  and 
sword,  and  they  were  not  so  hard  to  "  convince  " 
as  the  Turks,  because  they  could  only  argue  with 
primitive  weapons  against  the  improved  arms  of 
the  Europeans,  who,  thanks  to  Berthold  Schwarz, 
could  now  lend  emphasis  to  their  religious  propa- 
ganda by  the  help  of  gunpowder. 

In  1513,  Balboa  saw  the  Pacific  Ocean  from 
the  Isthmus  of  Panama.  In  1520,  Magellan 
sailed  through  the  straits  between  Tierra  del 
Fuego  and  Patagonia  which  henceforth  bore  his 
name;  in  1521  he  reached  the  Ladrones,  and 
Cortes  conquered  Mexico.  And  in  1531-33,  Pi- 
zarro  looted  Peru.  At  the  same  time,  the  Turks 
pushed  westward  and  threatened  Vienna. 

Every  one  of  these  historical  events  was  a  nail 
in  the  coffin  of  ecclesiastical  feudalism,  and  the 
church,  being  the  greatest  feudal  lord,  helped  to 
drive  those  nails  by  making  itself  a  party  to  these 


45 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

looting  expeditions,  and  covering  them  with  the 
cloak  of  missionary  work. 


VII.    THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  MORE  LIGHT 

The  mental  reaction  of  these  discoveries  on 
philosophy  and  astronomy  followed  immediately. 
In  the  same  year  in  which  Sebastian  Cabot  set 
out  on  his  trip  across  the  North  Atlantic,  Savona- 
rola was  killed  for  his  opposition  to  the  church. 
While  Columbus  was  making  his  second  and 
third  trip  to  the  West  Indies,  Luther  was  girding 
his  loins  against  Rome,  and  three  years  before 
the  discovery  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  he  nailed 
his  theses  on  the  church  door  in  Wittenberg. 
One  year  after  the  conquest  of  Peru,  England 
threw  off  the  papal  yoke,  the  Anabaptists  assem- 
bled in  Munster,  and  Luther  completed  his  trans- 
lation of  the  Bible.  While  the  foundations  of 
Lima  and  Buenos  Ayres  were  being  laid  in  South 
America,  the  first  copies  of  the  translated  Bible 
were  on  the  press,  thanks  to  the  invention  of 
printing  by  Gutenberg,  in  1438.  The  first  enemy 
of  orthodox  religion,  a  new  religion,  had  arisen. 

Science,  the  second  and  more  dangerous  enemy 

46 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  MORE  LIGHT 

of  orthodoxy,  was  not  slow  in  following.  In 
1473,  Copernicus  had  been  born.  Before  De  Soto 
had  reached  the  Mississippi  river,  Copernicus  had 
completed  his  life's  work,  and  on  his  dying  day, 
in  the  year  1543,  he  received  the  first  copy  of  his 
great  work,  "  De  Revolutionibus  Orbium  Celes- 
tium"  (The  Revolution  of  Celestial  Bodies).  In 
order  to  understand  the  powerful  impression 
made  by  this  work,  we  must  fully  enter  into  the 
spirit  of  those  times.  For  centuries  it  had  been 
a  gospel  truth  that  the  earth  stood  still,  that  it 
was  the  center  of  the  universe,  that  the  sun, 
moon,  and  stars  revolved  around  it  from  East  to 
West.  Now  this  daring  astronomer'  claimed  that 
the  earth  was  moving  around  itself  from  West 
to  East,  and  around  the  sun  in  a  wide  orbit,  and 
that  the  sun  was  the  center  of  its  planetary  sys- 
tem. That  was  contrary  to  all  the  established 
teachings  of  the  dogmatic  scientists,  it  was  op- 
posed to  the  revealed  "truths"  of  the  Bible,  it 
was  heresy.  Anathema  sit! 

But  the  time  was  approaching,  when  the 
anathema  of  the  church  did  not  stop  the  wheels 
of  scientific  progress  any  more.  The  cities  need- 
ed the  help  of  science  and  protected  their  scien- 
tific explorers.  In  1616,  Harvey  discovered  the 
circulation  of  the  blood,  a  new  step  toward  an 

47 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

experimental  philosophy.  When  the  pilgrims 
were  landing  in  Plymouth,  in  1620,  Galileo  Gali- 
lei and  John  Kepler  were  engaged  in  further  un- 
dermining dogmatic  ignorance  by  their  revolu- 
tionary work.  Galilei  is  the  founder  of  experi- 
mental physics.  He  gave  a  scientific  foundation 
to  the  theory  of  gravity,  invented  the  pendulum, 
a  hydrostatic  balance,  a  thermometer,  compasses 
used  in  designing,  and  a  telescope.  In  1610,  he 
for  the  first  time  observed  the  satellites  of  the 
planet  Jupiter.  In  1632,  he  published  his  main 
work,  "  Four  Dialogues  on  the  Ptolemaic  and 
Copernican  World  Systems." 

Perhaps  the  church  would  not  have  cared  so 
much  about  these  scientific  revolts  against  its  es- 
tablished ideas  of  the  world,  had  they  remained 
mere  academic  discussions.  For  after  all,  none 
of  them  touched  the  foundation  of  the  spiritual 
beliefs  of  the  dogmatic  religion,  and  it  would 
have  been  easy  enough  to  adjust  the  spiritual 
creed  to  this  new  science,  without  losing  control 
of  the  minds  of  the  masses  who  believed  in  the 
spiritual  basis  of  the  church.  Even  the  ideas  of 
Luther  might  have  been  tolerated,  had  they  pre- 
served a  mere  scholastic  existence.  They  were 
no  more  dangerous  than  had  been  many  other 
religious  heresies  before  that  time. 

48 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  MORE  LIGHT 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  though  Galilei  was  tried 
for  heresy  on  account  of  the  above  work,  he  was 
treated  without  harshness,  and  even  his  obstinate 
"  E  pur  si  muove"  (And  yet  it  moves),  uttered 
immediately  after  the  revocation  of  his  theories, 
did  not  result  in  any  increased  penalty  for  him. 
Luther  might  also  have  escaped  with  no  more  se- 
vere penalties  than  Galilei,  had  it  been  merely  a 
question  of  a  religious  controversy. 

But  the  class-struggle  seized  upon  both  re- 
ligion and  science,  just  as  it  had  done  before,  and 
as  it  will  continue  to  do  so  long  as  class  an- 
tagonisms exist.  To  the  extent  that  the  merchant 
class  grew  in  wealth  and  power,  it  did  not  only 
protect  the  new  world-conception,  but  also  began 
to  question  the  right  of  the  church  to  collect 
taxes  and  to  mismanage  church-property.  And 
the  ideas  of  religious  reformers  became  at  once 
the  rallying  center  of  bands  of  revolting  peasants 
and  impoverished  nobles,  who  threatened  the 
holdings  of  the  church  in  land  and  movable 
wealth.  This  outraged  and  hurt  the  hierarchy 
more  than  all  attacks  on  established  articles  of 
faith  and  philosophy. 

For  this  reason,  it  became  a  matter  of  self- 
defence  for  the  Roman  church  to  call  reactionary 
science,  religious  fanaticism,  and  the  entire  appa- 

49 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

ratus  of  its  organization  to  its  assistance  against 
the  new  and  startling  evolution  of  things  and 
ideas.  So  Tycho  de  Brahe  entered  the  arena  to 
defend  the  Ptolemaic  system  against  Galilei  and 
Kepler.  Tetzlaff  defended  the  right  of  the 
church  to  levy  taxes.  Luther  was  challenged  to 
defend  his  ideas  at  Worms.  And  the  feudal 
rulers  were  instigated  to  gather  their  armed 
forces  and  make  war  on  the  burghers  and  peas- 
ants. The  Reformation  with  its  economic  and 
mental  revolution  struck  deep  into  the  flesh  of 
the  church,  and  paved  the  way  for  the  subse- 
quent freedom  of  scientific  investigation  which 
accumulated  in  the  course  of  the  following  cen- 
turies the  basic  facts  for  a  consistent  theory  of 
evolution. 

When  astronomy,  geography,  experimental 
physics,  and  physiology  were  engaged  in  their 
first  determined  attempts  to  clear  away  the  meta- 
physical rubbish  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  push 
human  thought  once  more  into  its  truly  evolu- 
tionary course,  philosophy  likewise  awoke  from 
its  long  slumber.  For  almost  1900  years,  the 
methods  of  the  natural  philosophers  had  been 
abandoned.  During  all  that  time,  the  human 
mind  had  been  wandering  aimlessly  in  the  mazes 
of  metaphysical  speculation.  Revelation,  instead 

50 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  MORE  LIGHT 

of  being  sought  in  the  open  book  of  nature,  had 
been  looked  for  with  up-turned  eyes  beyond  the 
clouds,  in  fairy-land. 

At  last,  in  1620,  Francis  Bacon  published  his 
"  Novum  Organon"  His  plea  for  new  methods 
of  research  in  the  study  of  nature  was  a  fatal 
blow  to  the  metaphysical  philosophy  of  Aristotle. 
By  demanding  a  "  new  mind  "  and  declaring  the 
human  senses  the  infallible  sources  of  all  under- 
standing, Bacon  infused  new  life  into  the  natural 
philosophy  of  ancient  Greece  and  pointed  human 
evolution  once  more  into  the  redeeming  course  of 
evolutionary  materialism. 

However,  it  cannot  be  emphasized  too  strongly, 
that  the  idea  of  evolution,  though  sporadically 
scattered  through  Bacon's  philosophy  and  that  of 
other  materialists  of  the  I7th  and  i8th  centuries, 
had  but  a  spasmodic  existence  among  them,  and 
was  frequently  not  even  as  clearly  expressed  as 
we  find  it  in  the  works  of  the  Grecian  natural 
philosophers.  The  historical  conditions  for  an 
empirical  proof  of  evolution  had  not  yet  matured, 
and  the  theological  influence  of  those  times  ap- 
plied the  brake  too  heavily  for  a  rapid  improve- 
ment of  the  ideas  of  the  natural  philosophers. 

Furthermore,  the  ancient  natural  philosophy 
had  been  the  rallying  center  of  Grecian  "  democ- 

61 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

racy."  It  had  been  the  scientific  weapon  of  prog- 
ress in  the  class-struggle  between  aristocracy  and 
democracy,  at  a  time  when  theology  was  not  en- 
throned as  an  economic  ruler,  and  when  religion 
had  at  best  but  a  slight  hold  on  men's  minds. 
The  new  materialist  philosophy,  on  the  other 
hand,  arose  at  a  time  when  the  class-struggles 
raged  fiercely  around  two  religions,  and  when 
philosophy  did  not  reach  down  into  the  world  of 
the  trading  and  working  classes.  Through  the 
influence  of  the  church,  Latin  had  become  the 
language  of  science,  and  in  consequence  the  new 
materialist  philosophy  came  upon  the  scene,  not 
as  a  social  force,  but  as  a  hobby  of  scholars,  a 
pastime  of  the  select.  And  it  continued  to  use 
Latin  as  its  medium  of  expression  for  a  long  time. 
Indeed,  we  have  not  gotten  away  from  this  reac- 
tionary habit  yet,  and  the  fostering  of  ancient 
languages  in  our  modern  schools  still  continues 
to  do  valiant  service  in  the  interest  of  reaction. 
It  is  not  until  the  modern  proletariat  creates  its 
own  science,  that  the  old  exclusive  and  aristo- 
cratic mannerisms  of  feudal  and  middle  class 
science  are  abandoned,  and  the  familiar  language 
of  the  day  employed  to  prepare  the  mental  food 
for  the  eager  proletarian  student. 

In  the  1 7th  century,  and  to  a  great  extent  also 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  MORE  LIGHT 

in  the  i8th  and  iQth,  the  exclusive  methods  and 
assumptions  of  aristocratic  science  were  fatal,  not 
alone  for  the  masses,  but  also  for  the  scientists 
themselves.  So  long  as  science  does  not  pulsate 
in  the  throbbing  life  outside  of  the  study  of  the 
scientist,  theological  or  metaphysical  speculations 
permeate  the  entire  fabric  of  society.  In  the  I7th 
century,  the  class-struggles  between  the  two  great 
religions  kept  the  popular  mind  in  a  state  of  con- 
tinuous excitement  so  that  even  kings  had  to  be 
careful  not  to  exasperate  the  people  in  theological 
matters.  Neither  Bacon  nor  the  other  material- 
ists of  the  i /th  century  could  get  away  from  this 
religious  atmosphere,  and  their  materialism  is, 
therefore,  strongly  tainted  with  theological  and 
metaphysical  inconsistencies.  As  a  logical  result, 
materialism  did  not  get  very  far  along  on  its  evo- 
lutionary road,  and  metaphysics  retained  its  sway 
in  science  as  well  as  in  philosophy.  Neverthe- 
less, it  is  the  merit  of  Bacon  to  have  imparted 
fresh  vigor  to  the  inductive  and  empirical  study 
of  nature. 

***** 


53 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 


VIII.     THE  REHABILITATION  OF  NATURAL  PHI- 
LOSOPHY IN  ENGLAND 

The  men  who  built  on  the  foundation  laid  by 
Bacon  developed  his  materialism  in  two  different 
directions.  Those  who  felt  attracted  by  the 
theistic  aphorisms  of  his  doctrine,  became  the 
fathers  of  metaphysical  schools  of  thinkers  in 
England  and  France.  On  the  other  hand,  those 
who  felt  kin  to  the  materialist  essence  of  Ba- 
conian philosophy,  continued  along  this  road  and 
thus  became  the  intellectual  fathers  of  the  so- 
cialist philosophy.  Frequently  these  two  tenden- 
cies intermingled  and  produced  a  hybrid  material- 
ist dualism,  which  was  quite  as  incongruous  as 
the  metaphysical  materialism  of  their  predeces- 
sors. 

This  imperfect  and  groping  philosophy  led  to 
absurd  contradictions  between  the  theory  and 
practice  of  scientists  and  philosophers.  For  in- 
stance, the  logical  successor  of  Bacon,  Hobbes, 
was  more  pronounced  and  consistent  in  his  ma- 
terialism than  Bacon,  and  pushed  the  human 
mind  forward  in  the  line  of  evolution  toward  a 
more  empirical  and  monistic  science.  But  po- 
litically he  was  a  reactionary  of  the  first  water,  a 

54 


NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  ENGLAND 

defender  of  royal  prerogative  and  absolutism,  a 
foe  of  the  puer  robustus  sed  malitiosus  (robust 
but  malicious  boy),  the  "common"  people.  On 
the  other  hand,  Hegel,  the  father  of  modern 
idealism  and  a  vigorous  opponent  of  materialism, 
became  the  founder  of  the  most  revolutionary 
method  of  research,  the  dialectic  method,  and  con- 
structed the  fundament  of  the  modern  ideas  of 
evolution.  This  conflict  between  theory  and  prac- 
tice characterizes  all  scientists  and  philosophers, 
with  the  exception  of  the  founders  of  scientific 
socialism  and  of  their  socialist  disciples.  It  is  a 
fact,  which  explains  itself  out  of  the  historical 
conditions  of  proletarian  evolution,  that  the  scien- 
tific socialists  are  the  only  consistent  monist  ma- 
terialists of  the  present  day.  It  is  the  "  irony  of 
fate,"  which  compels  the  reactionary  forces  to  do 
evolutionary  work  against  their  will  and  to  assist 
the  proletarian  scientists,  who  are  conscious  evo- 
lutionists from  necessity,  in  their  historical  mis- 
sion. The  most  conspicuous  example  of  this  his- 
torical contradiction  between  theory  and  practice 
is  furnished  by  the  churches.  Yet  they,  too,  in 
spite  of  their  reactionary  and  anti-proletarian 
practices,  have  been  compelled  to  level  distinc- 
tions between  classes,  nations,  and  races,  and  to 
prepare  the  ground  for  a  universal  evolution 

55 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

toward  human  brotherhood.  The  use  of  Latin 
in  science,  to  which  I  have  just  alluded,  illustrates 
one  phase  of  this  leveling  process  very  well. 
When  the  proletariat  of  the  Roman  empire  had 
been  defeated  in  its  evolutionary  aims,  the  Roman 
church  cultivated  Latin  as  an  international  lan- 
guage. And  though  it  promoted  an  internation- 
alism of  the  select  few,  yet  even  this  gradually 
served  to  antagonize  the  reactionary  power  of 
dogmatism,  since  it  was  the  most  relentless  foe  of 
theological  dogmatism,  science,  which  finally  cul- 
tivated Latin  as  an  international  language.  And 
this  science  is  in  our  day  more  and  more  com- 
pelled to  ally  itself  with  the  class-conscious  pro- 
letariat. It  is.  a  significant  fact  that  all  modern 
languages,  which  have  become  more  or  less  world- 
languages,  such  as  Spanish,  French,  and  English, 
contain  many  elements  of  Latin.  And  since 
English  is  rapidly  becoming  the  international  lan- 
guage of  the  so-called  civilized  world,  the  modern 
proletariat  will  have  little  difficulty  in  assimilat- 
ing the  scant  survivals  of  Latin  which  are  indis- 
pensable for  an  understanding  of  the  technicali- 
ties of  modern  science. 

However,  in  Bacon's  time  natural  philosophy 
tottered  about  rather  drowsily  after  1900  years  of 
sleep,  and  took  but  slight  notice  of  the  ominous 

56 


NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  ENGLAND 

handwriting  which  capitalist  development  was 
slowly  but  surely  tracing  on  the  wall  of  social  in- 
stitutions. So  much  more  briskly  did  economic 
evolution  proceed  on  its  course,  sowing  the  seeds 
of  future  revolutions,  which  would  in  due  time 
clear  the  field  for  a  more  scientific  and  evolu- 
tionary materialism.  For  instance,  when  cotton- 
planting  was  introduced  in  Virginia,  one  year 
after  the  publication  of  Bacon's  "  Novum  Or- 
ganon,"  the  germs  were  scattered  for  the  Civil 
War,  that  was  destined  to  shake  the  foundations 
of  the  future  North-American  republic,  245  years 
later,  and  to  sound  the  tocsin  for  a  proletarian 
movement,  which .  would  some  day  reap  the  ma- 
ture fruits  of  materialist  science. 

At  the  same  time,  inventors  began  to  cast  about 
for  means  of  increasing  the  productivity  of  labor, 
and  natural  science  gathered  more  empirical  ma- 
terial for  its  special  departments. 

Early  in  the  i/th  century,  De  Caus,  a  French 
engineer,  had  invented  a  machine  by  which  a 
column  of  water  could  be  elevated  by  the  pres- 
sure of  steam  confined  in  a  vessel  above  the  water. 
In  1629,  Branca,  an  Italian  inventor,  contrived  a 
plan  for  working  several  mills  by  a  blast  of  steam 
against  the  vanes.  In  1639,  the  transit  of  Venus 
across  the  orb  of  the  sun  was  for  the  first  time 

57 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

observed  by  Horrox.  The  barometer  was  in- 
vented by  Torricelli  in  1642.  The  marquis  of 
Worcester  described,  in  his  "  Century  of  Inven- 
tions," 1663,  an  apparatus  for  raising  water  by 
the  expansive  force  of  steam.  Two  years  later, 
Isaac  Newton  published  his  first  improved  meth- 
ods of  astronomical  calculation.  In  1669,  Brandt 
discovered  phosphorus.  Roemer  ascertained  the 
velocity  of  light  in  1675.  Leibniz  published  his 
invention  of  the  differential  calculus  in  1684.  And 
in  1687,  Newton  came  forth  with  his  "  Principia," 
enunciating  the  laws  of  gravity.  Denis  Papin,  a 
native  of  France  and  professor  at  the  university 
of  Marburg,  Germany,  conceived  the  idea,  in 
1688,  of  obtaining  motive  power  by  means  of  a 
piston  working  in  a  cylinder,  through  a  sudden 
condensation  of  steam  by  cold.  In  1698,  Captain 
Savery,  an  Englishman,  obtained  a  patent  for  the 
first  actual  working  steam  engine  to  be  used  in 
raising  water.  And  in  1705,  Thomas  Newcomen, 
a  blacksmith,  and  John  Cawley,  a  plumber,  pat- 
ented an  atmospheric  engine,  in  which  condensa- 
tion was  effected  by  pouring  cold  water  upon  the 
external  surface  of  a  cylinder. 

These  pioneer  efforts  in  the  construction  of 
steam  engines  were  not  to  be  crowned  with  suc- 
cess until  June  5,  1769,  when  James  Watt  ob- 

58 


NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  ENGLAND 

tained  his  first  patent  for  an  automatic  steam 
engine.  So  far  as  the  philosophy  of  the  ijth 
century  was  concerned,  these  industrial  and  scien- 
tific advances  made  little  impression  on  it.  When 
in  1641,  Descartes  (Cartesius)  published  his 
"  Meditationes  de  Prima  Philosophic,,"  he  showed 
himself  to  be  still  completely  in  the  thrall  of  meta- 
physics. He  contended  that  man  alone  had  a 
true  "  soul,"  with  sensation  and  free  will,  and 
that  animals  were  mere  automata,  without  will 
or  sensibility.  At  the  same  time,  he  suffered 
from  the  traditional  contradictions  of  men  of  his 
turn  of  mind.  While  in  his  philosophy,  he  at- 
tributed a  dualist  and  supernatural  soul  to  man, 
he  endowed,  in  his  physics,  matter  with  self-creat- 
ing power  and  regarded  mechanical  motion  as  its 
life's  function. 

A  valiant  antagonist  arose  against  the  Car- 
tesian metaphysics  in  the  person  of  Hobbes.  He 
published,  in  1642,  his  "  Elementa  Philosophica 
de  Cive,"  and  fortified  the  materialist  position  in 
this  and  other  works  considerably.  By  asserting 
that  it  is  impossible  to  separate  thought  from 
matter  that  thinks,  he  did  not  only  strike  the  Car- 
tesian metaphysics  heavily,  but  also  shattered 
the  theistic  survivals  of  Baconian  materialism. 
However,  the  historical  conditions  did  not  enable 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

him  to  furnish  the  proof  for  Bacon's  fundamental 
principle  that  all  human  understanding  arises 
from  the  world  of  sensations.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  was  the  first  of  the  modern  natural  philoso- 
phers to  make  a  clear  distinction  between  the  nat- 
ural and  social  environment  and  to  realize  that 
social  activity  is  a  part  of  the  general  activity  of 
the  universe.  In  his  "  Leviathan,"  published  in 
1651,  he  says:  "The  register  of  knowledge  of 
fact  is  called  history.  Whereof  there  be  two 
sorts,  one  called  natural  history,  which  is  the  his- 
tory of  such  facts  or  effects  of  nature  as  have  no 
dependence  on  man's  will,  such  as  the  histories 
of  metals,  plants,  animals,  regions,  and  the  like. 
The  other  is  civil  history,  which  is  the  history  of 
the  voluntary  actions  of  men  in  commonwealths." 
The  modern  monist  will  find  much  to  criticise  in 
these  definitions,  but  they  mark  nevertheless  an 
advance  in  the  evolution  of  thought  as  compared 
to  the  ideas  of  his  predecessors  and  contempora- 
ries. 

In  Leibniz  and  Spinoza,  Descartes  found  allies 
who  contributed  much  toward  the  prolongation 
of  the  life  of  metaphysics,  and  theistic  idealism 
had  an  eloquent  spokesman  in  Berkeley.  Even  a 
man  of  Newton's  mathematical  mind  remained  a 
lifelong  captive  of  dualistic  ideas  and  his  concep- 

60 


NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  ENGLAND 

tion  of  the  solar  system  was  of  the  crude  kind 
which  speculated  about  the  causes  of  the  "first 
impulse  "  for  the  motion  of  the  planets.  Still  his 
ideas  seemed  so  dangerous  to  the  theological 
dualists  that  for  instance  Leibniz  denounced  the 
Newtonian  theory  of  gravitation,  because  it  un- 
dermined natural  religion  and  denied  revealed 
religion.  The  theistic  ideas  owed  a  continued  ex- 
istence to  the  influence  of  Rousseau  and  Voltaire, 
though  especially  the  last-named  was  a  scoffer  at 
all  religions  based  on  supernatural  revelation. 

But  materialism  remained  close  on  the  trail  of 
metaphysics.  In  France,  Descartes  was  person- 
ally confronted  by  Gassendi,  who  revived  Epi- 
curean materialism  and  accomplished  for  mate- 
rialism in  France  what  Hobbes  did  in  England. 
And  Pierre  Bayle  prepared  the  way  for  a  more 
mature  philosophy  in  France  by  a  cutting  criti- 
cism of  Cartesian  metaphysics.  Driven  by  re- 
ligious doubts  to  a  closer  study  of  metaphysics, 
Bayle  wrote  the  history  of  metaphysics  only  to 
give  dualism  a  blow  from  which  it  would  never 
fully  recover. 

After  this  destructive  work  of  materialistic 
criticism,  Locke  appeared  as  a  constructive  ma- 
terialist, in  1690,  with  his  "  Essay  Concerning 
Human  Understanding,"  which  was  enthusias- 

61 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

tically  received  by  all  friends  of  enlightenment, 
especially  in  France.  He  furnished  the  first 
philosophical  proofs  of  the  fact  that  all  human 
ideas  are  due  to  the  functions  of  the  senses,  and 
thus  completed  Baconian  materialism  which  Hob- 
bes  had  systematized. 

Locke's  work  came  at  a  time  when  metaphysics 
had  gradually  lost  its  touch  with  the  sciences  that 
had  once  given  it  a  certain  authority.  While 
mathematics,  physics,  zoology,  astronomy,  chem- 
istry, and  other  exact  sciences,  made  themselves 
more  and  more  independent,  metaphysics  retained 
nothing  but  speculations  and  a  mystical  belief  in 
celestial  things.  But  when  the  last  great  meta- 
physicians of  the  1 7th  century,  Malebranche  and 
Arnauld,  died,  worldly  affairs  were  beginning  to 
absorb  public  interest  to  the  exclusion  of  super- 
natural speculations.  To  the  same  extent  did 
materialism  gain  favor  among  Frenchmen. 


IX.    NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  FRANCE. 

With  the  beginning  of  the  i8th  century,  we  see 
the  French  champions  of  enlightenment  engaged 
in  open  war  against  metaphysics,  theology,  and 


NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  FRANCE 

the  existing  political  institutions.  In  the  interest 
of  "  reason,"  all  hitherto  existing  ideas  and  in- 
stitutions had  to  be  submitted  to  the  most  ruthless 
criticism,  and  this  "  reason  "  was  nothing  else  but 
the  dictates  of  the  class-interests  of  the  French 
bourgeoisie.  In  England  on  the  other  hand,  the 
bourgeois  revolution  had  at  that  time  found  its 
temporary  armistice  in  the  compromise  of  1689, 
which  left  the  great  land-owners  in  possession  of 
the  spoils  of  political  office,  while  it  at  the  same 
time  safeguarded  the  economic  interests  of  the 
rising  bourgeoisie  sufficiently  for  the  time  being. 
The  English  bourgeois,  was,  therefore,  as  much 
interested  as  the  nobility  in  maintaining  the  in- 
fluence of  religion  "  for  the  people,"  meaning  for 
the  exploitation  of  the  working  class,  while  the 
French  bourgeois  was  compelled,  by  the  require- 
ments of  the  historical  situation  in  France,  to  stir 
the  working  class  to  the  highest  pitch  of  revolu- 
tionary activity  against  the  feudal  nobility. 

Materialism,  therefore,  in  the  i8th  century, 
took  up  its  abode  in  France.  Once  more  the 
irony  of  fate  would  have  it  that  the  metaphy- 
sicians had  to  furnish  the  weapons  for  their  own 
undoing.  For  French  materialism  developed  two 
schools,  and  one  of  them  took  its  departure  from 
the  physics  of  the  metaphysician  Descartes.  The 

63 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

other  school  started  out  from  Locke,  and  led  di- 
rectly to  Socialism.  Descartian  materialism  be- 
came the  father  of  that  mechanical  materialism 
which  characterizes  the  bourgeois  materialists  of 
the  1 8th  and  iQth  centuries,  who  were  either  ig- 
norant of  evolutionary  materialism,  or  opposed  to 
it.  It  furnished  at  first  the  basis  for  the  natural 
science  of  France,  and,  combined  with  theistic 
idealism,  it  became  the  stronghold  of  those  who, 
like  Cuvier  and  Agassiz,  clung  to  the  Mosaic  idea 
of  creation  and  to  the  theory  of  fixed  species,  in 
opposition  to  the  introduction  of  the  idea  of  devel- 
opment by  the  interaction  of  physical  and  chem- 
ical movements.  The  followers  of  Locke,  on  the 
other  hand,  cultivated  the  evolutionary  branch  of 
French  materialism. 

"  The  immediate  disciple  and  French  inter- 
preter of  Locke,  Condillac,  directed  the  point  of 
Locke's  sensationalism  at  once  against  the  meta- 
physics of  the  1 7th  century,"  writes  Karl  Marx 
in  the  "  Holy  Family,"  in  which  he  and  Fred- 
erick Engels  exposed  the  shallowness  of  the 
Young-Hegelians  of  the  Bruno  Bauer  stripe. 
"  He  proved  that  the  French  justly  rejected  meta- 
physics, because  it  was  merely  a  handiwork  of 
imagination  and  theological  prejudices.  He  pub- 
lished a  refutation  of  the  systems  of  Descartes, 

64 


NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  FRANCE 

Spinoza,  Leibniz,  and  Malebranche.  In  his 
work,  '  L'essai  sur  I'Origine  des  Connaissances 
Humaines,'  he  elaborated  the  ideas  of  Locke  and 
proved  that  not  only  the  soul,  but  also  the  senses, 
not  only  the  art  of  producing  ideas,  but  also  the 
art  of  sense-perceptions,  was  a  matter  of  experi- 
ence and  habit.  The  entire  development  of  man 
therefore  depends  on  education  and  external  cir- 
cumstances. .  .  .  From  Helvetius,  who  like- 
wise takes  his  departure  from  Locke,  materialism 
received  its  specific  French  character.  He  also 
takes  into  consideration  the  social  life,  in  his 
work,  '  De  L'Homme!  The  senses  and  self-love, 
enjoyment  and  a  well  understood  personal  inter- 
est, are  the  basis  of  all  morality.  The  natural 
equality  of  human  intelligences,  the  identity  of 
the  progress  of  reason  and  the  progress  of  indus- 
try, the  natural  goodness  of  man,  the  omnipotence 
of  education,  are  the  main  points  of  his  system. 

"  A  combination  of  Cartesian  and  English  ma- 
terialism is  found  in  the  writings  of  Lamettrie. 
He  utilized  the  physics  of  Descartes  to  their  mi- 
nutest details.  His  machine-man  is  an  elabora- 
tion of  the  Cartesian  machine-animal.  In  the 
' Systeme  de  la  Nature'  of  Holbach,  the  physical 
part  consists  likewise  of  a  combination  of  French 
and  English  materialism,  while  the  ethical  part 

65 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

is  based  principally  on  the  ethics  of  Helvetius." 
The  universality  of  the  French  materialists  has 
a  lasting  monument  in  the  "  Encyclopedic,"  which 
was  begun  by  Diderot  and  D'Alembert  in  1751, 
and  in  which  Robinet,  Buffon,  Holbach,  Condil- 
lac,  Lamettrie,  Helvetius  and  Grimm  collab- 
orated. 

The  French  encyclopedists  offer  a  fair  standard 
by  which  to  judge  the  scientific  position  of  their 
age.  Science  was  still  in  its  rudimentary  stage, 
and  this  corresponded  to  the  control  of  tools  and 
technique  in  keeping  with  the  prevailing  mode  of 
production.  The  two  epoch-making  works  on 
natural  history  typical  for  this  period  are  the 
"  Systema  Naturae,"  published  by  Linnaeus  in 
J735>  and  the  "  Histoire  Naturelle,"  published  by 
Buffon  in  1749.  Franklin  made  his  successful  ex- 
periments demonstrating  the  connection  between 
electricity  and  lightning  in  1752.  But  neither  his 
work,  nor  the  invention  of  the  spinning- jenny  by 
Hargreaves  in  1767,  and  the  perfection  of  the 
spinning  frame  by  Arkwright  in  1769,  produced 
any  immediate  effect  on  the  ideas  of  scientific  ex- 
plorers. Cook  was  making  his  first  voyage 
around  the  world,  about  this  time  (1768),  and 
Priestley  discovered  oxygen  in  1774,  without, 
however,  knowing  what  he  had  discovered. 


NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  FRANCE 

The  philosophical  work,  which  followed  in 
England  immediately  after  Locke's  "  Essay,"  was 
Hume's  "  Treatise  of  Human  Nature,"  published 
in  1739.  It  cannot  be  regarded  as  an  advance 
beyond  Locke,  nor  is  it  superior  to  the  work  of 
the  French  materialists.  Hume  was  a  better  his- 
torian than  philosopher,  but  even  as  a  historian 
he  fell  far  below  Vico,  who  in  the  beginning  of 
the  1 8th  century  had  made  an  attempt  to  substi- 
tute for  the  theological  conception  of  history  a 
method  which  regarded  historical  events  as  the 
fulfillment  of  natural  laws.  Nor  was  Hume  the 
equal  of  Gibbon,  who,  in  1776,  published  his  "  De- 
cline and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,"  in  which 
faint  traces  of  an  evolutionary  conception  of  his- 
tory appear.  On  the  other  hand,  Rousseau's 
"  Contrat  Social"  published  in  1762,  was  but  a 
feeble  attempt  to  explain  the  origin  of  human  so- 
cieties, without  the  slightest  recognition  of  the 
basic  factors  of  social  evolution. 

A  brighter  light  falls  upon  this  historical  pe- 
riod from  the  department  of  mathematics,  crim- 
inology, and  economics.  In  mathematics,  the  idea 
of  continuity  led  to  the  introduction  of  evolu- 
tionary ideas  into  natural  science.  Buffon,  who 
had  entered  the  French  Academy  as  a  geometri- 
cian, introduced  the  continuity-idea  into  his  "  His- 

67 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

toire  Naturelle,"  and  this  idea  became  the  spark, 
which,  in  the  hands  of  Lamarck,  later  on  started 
the  fire  of  organic  development  in  all  natural 
sciences. 

In  criminology,  Beccaria  made  a  new  de- 
parture in  Italy,  in  1774.  He  published  his  work 
on  crime  and  punishment  under  a  false  date  and 
with  a  false  place  of  publication,  knowing  that  his 
ideas,  which  were  impregnated  with  the  spirit  of 
the  impending  French  Revolution,  would  set  loose 
a  storm  of  reactionary  attacks  against  him.  He 
opposed  the  medieval  methods  of  "  justice,"  with 
their  torture  and  secret  proceedings,  and  under- 
mined the  conception  of  a  personal  responsibility 
of  criminals.  This  threatened  the  dearest  tenets 
of  theological  dogmas  about  "  vicarious  atone- 
ment," and  set  the  Jesuitical  machine  of  the 
church  into  frenzied  motion. 

In  economics,  the  year  1776  marks  a  milestone 
of  advance  in  Adam  Smith's  "  Wealth  of  Na- 
tions," which  subverted  the  current  ideas  on  the 
origin  of  profits.  Smith  declared  in  so  many 
words,  that  profits  were  not  an  arbitrary  addition 
of  the  seller  to  the  price  of  his  article,  but  surplus- 
values,  surplus-products,  appropriated  by  the 
owners  of  means  of  production  out  of  the  unpaid 
products  of  "  industrious  persons."  This  con- 


NATURAL  PHILOSOPHY  IN  FRANCE 

ception  became  the  basis  for  Ricardo's  law  of 
value,  which,  in  the  hands  of  Marx,  was  trans- 
formed into  the  revolutionary  analysis  of  capital- 
ist production,  out  of  which  the  modern  socialist 
movement  developed  its  life. 

Generally  speaking,  there  was  as  yet  no  clear 
perception  of  the  evolutionary  nature  of  social 
and  natural  processes,  neither  in  the  writings  of 
the  sociologists,  nor  in  those  of  the  scientists  and 
philosophers.  While  Buffon  showed  at  least  a 
faint  trace  of  continuous  development  in  his 
work,  Linnaeus  regarded  his  system  of  plants 
and  animals  avowedly  as  a  mere  diagrammatic 
classification,  without  the  least  suggestion  of  any 
natural  connection  between  the  various  classes  of 
animals  and  plants.  And  even  when  he  elab- 
orated the  first  outlines  for  a  natural  system  of 
classification,  he  still  had  the  idea  of  fixed  and 
created  species  in  mind. 

But  already  the  fiery  glow  of  the  bourgeois 
revolution  in  the  American  colonies  was  redden- 
ing the  western  horizon,  and  its  sparks  were  soon 
to  ignite  the  dry  feudal  structures  in  France. 
The  Declaration  of  Independence  asserted  that 
"  all  men  were  born  equal,"  but  the  writers  of 
this  document  and  their  class  forgot  to  apply  this 
"  truth  "  to  the  slaves,  indentured  servants,  debt- 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

ors,  and  propertyless  colonists  who  were  debarred 
from  voting.  Nevertheless,  this  document  marked 
at  least  the  awakening  consciousness  of  the 
"  Rights  of  Man "  and  the  "  Age  of  Reason," 
that  is  to  say,  the  consciousness  of  the  rising 
capitalist  class  that  they  had  their  own  peculiar 
idea  of  right  and  reason,  as  opposed  to  the  feudal 
powers.  With  the  American  and  French  Revo- 
lutions, the  capitalist  class  established  a  precedent 
in  social  evolution  by  means  of  revolution,  which 
is  still  of  too  recent  date  to  be  easily  forgotten, 
and  which  the  modern  proletariat  will  some  day 
follow  with  good  effect. 


X.    A  REVERSION  TO  IDEALISM  IN  GERMANY 


The  English  and  French  jingoes  of  the 
and  1  8th  centuries  were  doubtless  convinced  that 
their  countries  were  not  only  the  leaders  of  Eu- 
rope in  economic  and  political  progress,  but  also 
the  pathfinders  in  science  and  philosophy.  The 
wider  horizon  of  the  present  day  enables  us  to 
notice  without  difficulty,  that  a  few  thinkers  of 
other  nationalities,  who  viewed  the  events  in 
England  and  France  at  a  distance  and  enjoyed 

70 


IDEALISM  IN  GERMANY 

the  advantage  of  undisturbed  study  and  seclu- 
sion, did  as  much,  if  not  more,  for  the  evolution 
of  human  understanding  as  the  scientists  and 
philosophers  of  those  industrially  and  politically 
more  advanced  countries. 

Of  course,  the  list  of  the  scientific  accomplish- 
ments of  those  two  countries  is  not  exhausted  by 
the  enumeration  of  the  few  facts  previously  men- 
tioned as  mile-stones  in  the  road  of  evolutionary 
theories.  Many  other  significant  advances  might 
be  mentioned.  To  name  but  a  few,  the  work  of 
Hooke  and  Grew  for  the  elaboration  of  the  cell- 
theory,  the  discovery  of  the  function  of  the  sta- 
mens of  flowers  by  Millington,  and  the  attempts 
at  classification  made  by  Ray,  the  forerunner  of 
Linnaeus,  were  among  the  minor  steps  in  a  for- 
ward direction.  Priestley's  studies  on  the  absorp- 
tion of  carbon-dioxide  and  the  evolution  of  oxy- 
gen by  plants  were  rendered  epoch-making  by 
the  deeper  research  of  Lavoisier,  who  subverted 
the  entire  phlogistic  theory  of  chemistry  by  show- 
ing the  actual  function  of  oxygen.  But  the  sig- 
nificance of  these  discoveries  for  the  progress  of 
science  was  not  appreciated  in  those  times,  not 
even  by  their  authors.  Their  relation  to  philoso- 
phy was  still  less  suspected. 

This  is  especially  true  of  an  invention,  which 

71 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

opened  up  entirely  new  fields  of  study,  and  has 
become  one  of  the  most  revolutionary  aids  in  evo- 
lution, the  microscope.  It  developed  out  of  the 
magnifying  glass,  and  came  into  use  as  a  scien- 
tific instrument  about  the  beginning  of  the  I7th 
century.  Francesco  Stelluti  is  regarded  as  the 
first  who  made  its  use  known  to  science.  It  be- 
came especially  effective  in  the  hands  of  Mal- 
pighi  and  Leeuwenhoek.  Malpighi,  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  i/th  century,  published  a  complete 
anatomy  of  the  silk-worm  and  studied  the  devel- 
opment of  the  chicken  in  the  egg.  Leeuwenhoek 
discovered  the  blood  corpuscles  and  described  the 
active  elements  in  the  semen  of  male  animals. 
After  these  scientists  came  an  able  corps  of  in- 
vestigators and  used  the  microscope  to  good  ef- 
fect in  laying  the  foundation  for  an  understand- 
ing of  the  individual  development  (ontogeny)  of 
beings.  From  ontogeny  to  phytogeny,  that  is  to 
say  to  the  development  of  species,  genera,  classes, 
families,  races,  was  but  a  logical  step,  which  was 
made  in  the  iQth  century  as  soon  as  the  material 
premises  for  it  had  developed. 

But  in  the  i/th  and  :8th  centuries,  the  micro- 
scopical revelations  "  fell  flat."  This  was  mainly 
due  to  the  prevailing  theological  conception  of 
nature  and  to  the  lack  of  interrelation  between 

72 


IDEALISM  IN  GERMANY 

the  various  sciences,  which  aggravated  the  dif- 
ficulties arising  from  insufficient  experience  and 
from  the  undeveloped  state  of  human  control  over 
society  and  nature. 

Under  these  circumstances,  a  similar  "fate  be- 
fell a  work,  which  in  our  day  ranks  high  in  the 
literature  of  evolution  —  Kant's  "  Natural  His- 
tory and  Theory  of  the  Heavens,"  published  in 
1755,  the  year  of  the  great  earthquake,  which 
in  five  minutes  destroyed  the  city  of  Lisbon  and 
killed  60,000  people.  Hardly  anyone  took  no- 
tice of  the  ideas  advanced  in  this  work,  until 
Laplace,  in  1799,  published  his  "  Mecanique 
Celeste"  and  furnished  the  mathematical  proof 
for  the  Kantian  hypotheses.  Yet  Kant's  work 
was  the  most  revolutionary,  and,  from  the  stand- 
point of  materialist  monism,  most  epoch-making 
publication  since  the  time  of  Demokritos.  In  it 
the  Konigsberg  philosopher  undertook  to  treat 
of  the  "  constitution  and  the  mechanical  origin 
of  the  entire  universe  on  the  basis  of  Newtonian 
principles."  He  proceeded  to  demonstrate  that 
the  sun  and  its  system  had  developed  mechanically 
by  a  rotation  of  a  primitive  nebular  substance 
filling  universal  space,  and  thus  established  a 
theory,  which  has  maintained  itself  up  to  the 
present  day.  Only  in  the  beginning  of  the  2Oth 

73 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

century  a  few  voices  have  been  lifted  against  it 
and  a  new  cosmogeny  advocated,  which  never- 
theless, in  its  essence,  is  still  a  mere  modification 
in  modern  garb  of  the  atomic  theory  of  Demok- 
ritos,  on  which  Kant's  theory  is  likewise  based. 

By  demonstrating  the  mechanical  origin  of  the 
universe  and  transforming  the  "  divine  "  act  of 
creation  into  a  historical  process,  Kant  went  far 
beyond  Newton,  who  had  assumed  that  a  god 
had  given  the  first  impulse  to  the  universe  and 
then  left  it  to  follow  its  own  laws.  Yet  Kant, 
too,  was  loath  to  dismiss  the  creator.  There  was 
still  a  last  hiding  place  for  the  mysterious  ele- 
ment of  dualism  in  the  fact  that  the  human 
understanding,  with  its  present  organization  in 
the  cosmic  process,  does  not  penetrate  to  the 
"  final  nature  "  of  things.  Kant  made  this  fact 
the  basis  for  carping  attacks  on  Demokritos, 
on  whose  shoulders  he  stood  and  whose  philoso- 
phy was  in  many  respects  superior  to  his  own. 
Moreover,  Kant  never  grasped  the  historical  re- 
lation of  Demokritos  to  Epicurus,  and  always 
regarded  Epicurus  as  the  father  of  "  sensualism  " 
(materialism),  while  we  have  seen  that  Epicurus 
was  a  follower  of  Demokritos.  It  is  also  indis- 
putable that  lack  of  historical  perception  was  not 
the  least  of  Kant's  shortcomings.  His  philosophy 

74 


IDEALISM  IN  GERMANY 

suffers  especially  from  his  unfamiliarity  with 
those  natural  sciences,  without  which  no  sound 
theory  of  understanding  can  exist,  namely  com- 
parative physiology,  biology,  and  sociology.  He 
never  realized,  that  philosophy  requires  not  alone 
the  direct  co-operation  of  these  special  sciences, 
but  in  the  last  analysis  of  every  department  of 
human  knowledge.  Even  if  we  admit  that  this 
defect  was  largely  due  to  the  scantiness  of  the 
empirical  material  of  his  time  and  to  the  incom- 
plete equipment  of  the  Prussian  universities  under 
Frederick  the  Great,  it  was  also  a  consequence 
of  his  extreme  philistinism  and  book-worm  ten- 
dencies. He  certainly  made  more  liberal  con- 
cessions to  the  arrogance  of  orthodox  and 
bureaucratic  censorship,  than  many  of  his 
humbler  intellectual  contemporaries  in  Prussia. 

But  in  spite  of  his  mental  gymnastics  in  the 
matter  of  a  god,  the  fact  remains,  that  his  nebular 
theory  of  the  origin  of  the  universe,  in  its  logical 
application,  knocks  the  main  prop  from  under 
the  Mosaic  world-conception,  which  had  already 
been  considerably  shaken  by  the  discoveries  and 
demonstrations  of  Copernicus,  Galilei,  Kepler, 
and  Newton.  Laplace  was  more  consistent  and 
courageous  than  Kant  and  did  not  hesitate  to 
declare  in  reply  to  a  question  of  Napoleon  I.,  that 

75 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

he  had  no  need  of  the  hypothesis  of  a  creator. 
No  better  proof  is  required  for  the  soundness  of 
this  position,  than  the  persistent  silence,  which 
the  theologians  have  maintained  about  Kant's 
nebular  hypothesis,  while  praising  the  dualistic 
ethics  and  theory  of  understanding  contained  in 
his  second  work,  "  The  Critique  of  Pure 
Reason,"  published  in  1781. 

In  order  to  appreciate  Kant's  philosophy  fully, 
this  work  must  be  compared  with  his  "  Critique 
of  Practical  Reason,"  published  in  1788.  The 
essence  of  his  teaching  in  the  former  work  is, 
that  the  world  of  phenomena,  such  as  we  per- 
ceive it,  is  entirely  conditioned  on  the  organiza- 
tion of  our  senses.  Owing  to  this  fact,  we  can 
never  perceive  the  true  nature  of  a  thing,  the 
"  thing  in  itself."  There  is  only  one  universe, 
and  everything  in  it  is  regulated  by  natural  laws, 
operating  as  sternly  as  the  law  of  gravitation. 
The  freedom  of  will  cannot  be  demonstrated  by 
"  pure "  reason.  The  existence  of  a  god  and 
the  immortality  of  the  soul  cannot  be  ascertained 
within  the  possible  limits  of  experience. 

However,  throughout  the  work  there  are  scat- 
tered passages  stating  the  exact  opposite.  One 
would  be  at  a  loss  to  understand  what  Kant  was 
«€ally  driving  at,  if  he  had  not  given  an  expla- 

76 


IDEALISM  IN  GERMANY 

nation  for  his  contradictions  in  his  preface  to  the 
second  edition  of  his  work,  1787.  There  he 
says  that  he  had  "  to  abolish  reason,  in  order  to 
make  room  for  belief."  And  this  was  necessary, 
in  order  that  he  might  "  confer  an  inestimable 
benefit  on  morality  and  religion,  by  showing  that 
the  objections  urged  against  them  may  be 
silenced  forever  by  the  Socratic  method,  that  is 
to  say,  by  proving  the  ignorance  of  the  objector. 
For  as  the  world  has  never  been,  and  no  doubt 
will  never  be,  without  a  system  of  metaphysics 
of  one  kind  or  another,  it  is  the  highest  and 
weightiest  concern  of  philosophy  to  render  it 
powerless  for  harm,  by  closing  up  the  sources  of 
error."  One  of  these  sources  of  error,  as  he 
says  in  his  "  Critique  of  Pure  Reason,"  is  found 
in  men  like  Locke,  who  promote  the  idea  that  the 
existence  of  a  god  and  the  immortality  of  the 
soul  can  be  proven  with  mathematical  certainty 
from  the  fact  that  there  is  no  knowledge  outside 
of  experience. 

What  a  strange  spectacle !  Materialist  Locke 
reprimanded  by  idealist  Kant  for  insisting  that 
the  existence  of  a  god  and  the  immortality  of  the 
soul  can  be  mathematically  demonstrated,  and 
idealist  Kant  violently  insisting  that  such  a  thing 
is  entirely  outside  of  all  possible  experience  and 

77 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

must  be  believed!  And  all  for  the  benefit  of 
religion  and  rulers !  And  what  a  peculiar  logic ! 
Fancy  the  Socratic  method  in  the  role  of  the 
invincible  sword,  which  will  lay  open  the  igno- 
rance of  all  objectors  to  religion,  and  remember 
that  no  religion  in  the  world  could  stand  the 
test  of  that  method ! 

This,  then,  was  the  mighty  outcome  of  two 
thousand  years  of  philosophy  since  the  time  of 
Demokritos  that  religions  were  considered  safe, 
and  the  states  defended  by  them  secure,  because 
it  could  not  be  proven  by  experience  that  a  god 
existed  and  that  the  human  soul  was  immortal; 
that  the  mass  of  the  people  could  never  ascertain 
the  truth  of  these  things  by  their  own  unaided 
faculties,  but  must  believe  them  upon  the  word 
of  authorities!  Surely,  the  mountain  need  not 
have  labored  through  500  pages  of  gold-brick 
science  to  bring  forth  such  a  mouse ! 

Of  course,  Kant  had  spoken  the  truth,  when  he 
said  that  theology  must  be  believed.  But  what  a 
strange  fact,  that  all  other  schools  of  thought, 
especially  the  natural  sciences  and  psychologies, 
should  be  compelled,  under  penalty  of  immediate 
ridicule,  to  demonstrate  every  iota  of  their 
theories  by  irrefutable  evidence,  while  the  cham- 
pions of  religion  should  be  privileged  to  fling 

78 


IDEALISM  IN  GERMANY 

their  improvable  assertions  into  our  teeth  and 
insist  that  they  were  speaking  the  truth,  because 
it  could  not  be  demonstrated.  And  that  from  the 
man,  who  had  done  more  than  any  of  his  pred- 
ecessors to  undermine  the  world  foundations, 
on  which  this  preposterous  assumption  is  resting ! 

Kant  thus  acknowledged  voluntarily,  that  he 
was  not  a  philosopher,  who  stood  high  above  the 
world  and  men,  but  merely  a  common  bourgeois 
sophist,  who  served  the  interests  of  the  ruling 
class.  As  such  he  destroyed  the  dogmatic 
philosophy,  which  had  done  the  work  of  feudal 
society  so  well,  and  established  a  philosophy, 
which  was  made  to  order  for  the  requirements 
of  the  rising  bourgeoisie.  As  a  scientist,  he 
was  a  materialist,  who  reiterated  the  philosophy 
of  Democritus,  Epicurus,  and  Locke,  and  who 
re-established  the  principle  of  mechanical  devel- 
opment in  nature,  which  was  a  distinct  advance 
over  the  English  and  French  materialists,  if  not 
over  the  Grecian  natural  philosophers.  But  as  a 
philosopher,  he  was  as  scholastic,  sophistical  and 
reactionary  as  any  foe  of  progress  could  be. 

Much  is  made  of  Kant's  "  categorical  impera- 
tive," the  basis  of  his  ethics,  which  runs :  "  Act 
at  all  times  so  that  thou  usest  man  in  thy  own 
person  as  well  as  in  that  of  others  not  only 

79 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

as  a  means,  but  also  as  an  end."  This  ethics,  like 
many  another  conceived  by  bourgeois  minds  after 
Kant,  falls  to  pieces  the  moment  it  is  tried  as  a 
rule  of  conduct  in  society.  Its  ambiguity,  and 
therefore  its  meaninglessness,  becomes  apparent 
in  the  effects  of  class-environment  on  human 
reason.  Well  does  Franz  Mehring  character- 
ize the  Kantian  imperative,  when  he  writes : 
"  For  the  historical  thinker,  this  statement  of 
Kant's  appears  at  once  as  the  historical  precipi- 
tation of  the  economic  fact,  that  the  bourgeoisie, 
in  order  to  obtain  objects  of  exploitation  suitable 
for  their  ends,  must  not  only  use  the  working 
class  as  a  means,  but  also  take  care  to  create  a 
proletariat,  in  other  words,  to  free  them  in  the 
name  of  human  liberty  from  feudal  rule." 

But  in  spite  of  his  categorical  imperative,  and 
his  admiration  for  the  French  revolution,  Kant 
demanded  full  liberty  only  for  the  citizens  of  the 
state,  not  for  all  its  members,  especially  not  for 
the  women  and  for  the  working  class.  Thus 
he  fell  back  to  the  status  of  the  Roman  constitu- 
tion under  the  Caesars. 

In  his  "  Critique  of  Discrimination,"  Kant  dis- 
covered the  laws  of  creative  imagination  and 
demonstrated  that  art  is  an  innate  faculty  of  man. 
This  work  also  contains  the  statement  that  the 


IDEALISM  IN  GERMANY 

descent  of  all  organic  beings  from  a  common 
primeval  ancestor  is  a  thesis  which  is  in  con- 
formity with  the  principle  of  mechanical  devel- 
opment in  nature.  But  Kant  deprecated  such  a 
hypothesis  as  a  "  risky  adventure  of  reason." 
He  was  afraid  of  the  logical  application  of  the 
very  principle  which  he  had  established  in  his 
cosmogeny.  In  other  respects,  however,  this 
work  and  his  cosmological  views  may  be  read 
with  profit,  even  by  modern  proletarians. 

The  thinker  of  the  present  day,  with  his  vast 
array  of  empirical  facts,  is  apt  to  be  too  harsh 
in  his  judgment  of  the  shortcomings  of  his 
predecessors  in  earlier  centuries.  But  I  cannot 
blame  Paul  Ree  for  summing  up  Kant's  philoso- 
phy in  these  words :  "  In  Kant's  works  you 
feel  as  though  you  were  at  a  country  fair.  You 
can  buy  from  him  anything  you  want  —  freedom 
of  the  will  and  captivity  of  the  will,  idealism  and 
a  refutation  of  idealism,  atheism  and  the  good 
Lord.  Like  a  juggler  out  of  an  empty  hat,  so 
Kant  draws  out  of  the  concept  of  duty  a  god, 
immortality,  freedom,  to  the  great  surprise  of  his 
readers.  True,  these  illegitimate  children  of 
Kant's  philosophy  do  not  like  to  venture  forth 
into  the  light  of  day.  They  are  somewhat 
ashamed  of  their  existence,  more  especially  so, 

Rl 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

because  they  find  favor  in  the  eyes  of  god  and 
men,  particularly  of  men  clothed  with  authority." 

The  followers  of  Kant  claim  that  he  has  de- 
fined the  powers  and  limits  of  human  perception 
for  all  time  to  come.  But  the  "  Critique  of  Pure 
Reason  "  demonstrates  precisely  the  impossibility 
of  such  absolute  perception  on  the  part  of 
Kant  or  of  any  other  man.  His  own 
powers  of  perception,  especially  in  sociology, 
certainly  never  penetrated  beyond  the  bour- 
geois horizon,  and  in  other  respects  even 
some  of  his  immediate  followers  surpassed  him, 
for  instance  Laplace  in  his  elaboration  of  the 
nebular  theory,  and  Schopenhauer,  the  legitimate 
heir  of  his  philosophy,  in  ethics.  As  for  the  germ 
of  truth  contained  in  Kant's  "categorical  im- 
perative "  and  in  his  "  thing  in  itself,"  we  shall 
see  that  proletarian  philosophers  gathered  out  of 
it  an  advance  in  thought  for  the  revolution  of 
the  modern  working  class. 

In  the  same  year,  in  which  Kant's  "  Critique 
of  Pure  Reason  "  appeared,  Herschel  discovered 
the  planet  Uranus.  And  two  years  later,  the 
brothers  Montgolfier  made  their  first  successful 
balloon  ascension,  opening  new  fields  of  research 
in  the  atmosphere  and  spurring  the  inventive 
minds  of  humanity  to  greater  technical  exertions. 


IDEALISM  IN  GERMANY 

In  1789,  Lavoisier  established  the  law  of  the  con- 
servation of  matter,  which,  supplemented  in  1842 
by  Robert  Mayer's  law  of  the  conservation  of 
energy,  remained  one  of  the  fundamental  tenets 
of  modern  science,  until  the  evolutionary  con- 
ception of  the  transformation  of  energy  was  in- 
troduced at  a  later  stage.  In  1791,  Galvani  pub- 
lished his  discoveries  in  animal  electricity,  and 
Thomas  Paine  appeared  with  his  "  Rights  of 
Man."  Galvani's  discovery  led  to  startling  in- 
dustrial revolutions  in  the  I9th  century.  Paine's 
idea  that  man  has  natural  rights,  which  no  other 
creature  in  the  universe  has,  furnished  a  great 
deal  of  powder  to  the  bourgeoisie,  so  long  as 
they  were  revolutionary,  but  philosophically  it 
was  a  step  backward  and  away  from  a  monistic 
conception  of  the  universe  and  human  society. 
Paine  stood  in  sociology  on  the  same  ground 
as  Rousseau,  and  was  as  little  aware  of  the 
existence  and  functions  of  evolutionary  develop- 
ment and  class-struggles  as  the  celebrated 
Frenchman. 


83 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

XL     IN  THE  MELTING  POT  OF  THE  FRENCH  REV- 
OLUTION 

The  French  revolution  had  broken  out  in  the 
meantime,  and  the  philosophers  now  had  an  op- 
portunity to  watch  what  pure  reason,  practical 
reason,  natural  rights,  the  categorical  imperative, 
the  social  contract,  and  metaphysical  idealism 
could  accomplish.  After  wading  through  rivers 
of  blood  at  the  instigation  of  practical  reason, 
pure  reason  mounted  the  throne  by  decree  of  the 
national  convention,  on  November  10,  1793.  The 
worship  of  reason,  lasted  till  June  8,  1794,  when 
Robespierre  brought  god  and  metaphysical  ideal- 
ism back  to  the  throne,  dethroned  reason,  declared 
atheism  to  be  an  aristocratic  sin,  and  celebrated 
the  festival  of  the  supreme  being.  But  on  July 
27,  1794,  the  supreme  being  remembered  the 
categorical  imperative,  left  Robespierre  ungrate- 
fully in  the  lurch,  and  looked  on  at  a  safe  dis- 
tance while  "  eternal  justice "  chopped  off  the 
good  man's  head  with  that  gory  instrument  of 
natural  rights  introduced  by  practical  reason,  the 
guillotine.  Lavoisier  received  the  same  reward 
for  his  services  to  mankind  that  Robespierre 
earned  for  his  services  to  the  supreme  being. 

84 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION 

Reason  and  the  supreme  being  continued  to  re- 
lieve one  another,  until  finally  Napoleon  I. 
replaced  them  both  by  bayonets  and  cannons,  and 
discredited  the  supreme  being  by  declaring  that  it 
was  always  on  the  side  of  the  strongest  battalions. 
And  so  the  reign  of  reason  and  of  the  supreme 
being  ended  in  the  nauseating  farce  of  the  resto- 
ration of  "  law  and  order." 

The  reign  of  reason  appeared  on  closer 
scrutiny  as  a  transcendental  image  of  the  cap- 
italist state.  The  existence  of  the  supreme 
being  had  not  been  proven,  neither  by  decree  of 
parliament  nor  by  the  guillotine,  and  for  that  very 
reason  it  continued  to  exist  in  those  heads  which 
were  accustomed  to  reason  no  better  than  those 
which  had  been  chopped  off.  The  categorical 
imperative,  stripped  of  its  gaudy  trappings,  stood 
forth  as  the  impotent  and  incapable  wag  that  he 
was.  The  social  contract  was  renewed  on  the 
basis  of  "  Every  one  for  himself  and  the  devil 
takes  the  hindmost."  And  the  natural  rights 
were  bossed  around  by  the  right  to  exploit  the 
proletariat  and  to  place  private  property  above 
propertyless  man. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  I9th  century,  the  dis- 
appointment over  the  failure  of  all  the  glittering 
ideals  of  bourgeois  philosophy  soon  made  itself 

85 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

felt  in  an  awakening  of  evolutionary  ideas  in 
social  science  among  the  champions  of  the  work- 
ing class.  Fourier  began  to  elaborate  his  theories 
of  social  reconstruction,  in  1799,  and  to  aim  the 
dagger  thrusts  of  his  critique  at  the  heart  of 
capitalist  society.  And  for  the  first  time  since 
the  overthrow  of  women's  equality  with  men  in 
prehistoric  times,  a  woman,  Mary  Wollstonecraft, 
raised  her  voice  in  public  protest  against  the  eco- 
nomic and  social  slavery  of  her  sex.  Saint  Simon 
saw  dimly  that  material  forces  are  the  active 
element  in  social  movements  and  compel  society 
to  develop  mechanically  through  class-struggles. 
And  Fourier,  after  him,  drew  the  first  theoretical 
outline  of  the  evolution  of  man  from  savagery, 
through  barbarism  and  patriarchy,  to  civiliza- 
tion. The  investigators  of  the  iQth  century 
following  him  were  soon  to  supply  the  empirical 
proofs  of  this  theory.  On  the  other  side  of  the 
channel,  Robert  Owen  startled  the  comfortable 
English  bourgeois  with  his  colony  at  New-Lanark 
and  threw  the  firebrand  of  the  Chartist  move- 
ment into  the  quiet  dulness  of  British  life. 

These  first  half-conscious  movements  of  pro- 
letarian thought  were  as  immature  as  capitalism 
itself  was.  But  they  were  at  least  unmistakably 
proletarian,  and  this  fact  makes  the  Utopias  of 

86 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION 

these  three  men  superior  to  the  dreams  of  Plato 
and  More.  Historically,  these  French  and 
English  Utopians  excelled  also  their  followers, 
such  as  Bellamy  and  Groenlund,  in  keenness  of 
perception  and  political  influence.  All  the  at- 
tempts at  independent  proletarian  movements  in 
the  beginning  of  the  iQth  century  connected 
themselves  with  the  ideas  of  these  prophets  of 
social  revolution.  Philosophically,  these  men 
were  the  heirs  of  Locke  and  of  his  French  school. 
Whoever  is  looking  for  the  roots  of  the  modern 
socialist  philosophy,  must  seek  them  here.  No 
one  knew  this  as  well  as  the  founders  of  scientific 
socialism.  Some  of  the  modern  socialists  are 
of  the  opinion  that  the  socialist  philosophy  took 
its  departure  from  the  German  classical  philoso- 
phy. But  Marx  and  Engels  knew  better,  and 
Engels  entitled  his  book  on  Feuerbach  advisedly 
"  Feuerbach  and  the  Outcome  of  German  Class- 
ical Philosophy,"  and  declared  that  the  modern 
proletariat  was  the  "heir"  of  this  philosophy, 
and  would  accomplish  what  German  idealism 
had  left  undone.  Scientific  Socialism  rejected 
the  classical  philosophy  of  Germany,  took  its 
departure  from  the  humanitarianism  of  Feuer- 
bach, and  connected  itself  with  the  materialist 
philosophy  of  the  i8th  century. 

87 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

This  acknowledgment  was  made  by  Marx  and 
Engels,  in  "  The  Holy  Family,"  in  these  words : 
"  Just  as  Cartesian  materialism  leads  to  French 
natural  science,  so  the  other  school  of  French 
materialism  leads  directly  to  socialism  and  com- 
munism. It  requires  no  great  keenness  of  per- 
ception to  realize  that  the  doctrines  of  materialism 
relative  to  the  original  goodness  and  equal  in- 
tellectual endowment  of  men,  to  the  omnipotence 
of  experience,  habit,  education,  and  the  influence 
of  external  circumstances  on  men,  the  great  im- 
portance of  industry,  the  justification  of  enjoy- 
ment, etc.,  lead  necessarily  to  a  connection  with 
communism  and  socialism.  If  man  gets  all  his 
knowledge  and  feeling,  etc.,  from  the  world  of 
sense  perceptions  and  his  contact  with  it,  then 
the  thing  to  do  is  to  arrange  matters  in  the 
material  world  in  such  a  way,  that  he  gets  truly 
human  impressions  from  it,  acquires  them  as 
habits,  and  realizes  his  human  nature.  If  the 
correct  understanding  of  material  interests  is 
the  basic  principle  of  all  morality,  then  the  private 
interests  of  man  must  be  made  to  coincide  with 
general  human  interests.  If  the  human  race  is 
unfree  in  the  sense  that  the  materialists  use  this 
term,  that  is  to  say  if  man  is  free,  not  so  much 
by  his  negative  power  to  avoid  this  or  that,  but 


THE  FRENCH  REVOLUTION 

rather  by  his  positive  power  to  assert  his  true 
individuality,  then  it  is  not  proper  to  punish 
the  crimes  of  the  individual,  but  to  destroy  the 
antisocial  breeding  grounds  of  crime  and  to 
secure  for  every  one  the  social  room  for  his 
essential  life  expressions.  If  man  is  formed  by 
external  circumstances,  then  circumstances  must 
be  modeled  to  suit  man.  If  man  is  by  nature 
social,  then  he  can  develop  his  true  nature  only 
in  society,  and  the  power  of  his  nature  must  not 
be  judged  by  individuals,  but  by  that  of  his  so- 
cieties. These  and  similar  statements  are  found 
almost  literally  in  the  works  of  even  the  oldest 
French  materialists.  .  .  .  Fourier  takes  his 
departure  immediately  from  the  teachings  of  the 
French  materialists.  The  Babouvists  were  crude 
and  uncivilized  materialists,  but  even  the  devel- 
oped communism  starts  directly  from  French 
materialism.  The  latter  emigrated,  in  the  form 
given  to  it  by  Helvetius,  to  its  mother  country, 
England.  Bentham  founded  his  system  of  well 
understood  interests  on  the  ethics  of  Helvetius, 
and  Owen,  starting  from  the  system  of  Bentham, 
founded  English  communism.  Exiled  to  Eng- 
land, the  Frenchman  Cabet  was  stimulated  by 
the  communist  ideas  of  his  exile  and  on  his  re- 
turn to  France  became  the  most  popular,  although 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

the  most  superficial,  representative  of  commu- 
nism. The  scientific  French  communists,  Dez- 
amy,  Gay,  etc.,  developed,  like  Owen,  the 
teachings  of  materialism  into  those  of  realistic 
humanitarianism  and  into  the  logical  basis  of 
communism." 

These  statements  show  at  the  same  time,  that 
the  French  revolution  did  not  settle  any  of  the 
fundamental  problems  of  life.  That  revolution 
merely  testified  to  the  incapability  of  the  bour- 
geoisie to  undertake  the  solution  of  any  such 
problems.  The  first  condition  for  their  solution 
is  the  abolition  of  the  bourgeoisie  itself.  It  could 
not  be  very  well  expected  of  them  that  they  should 
commit  political  suicide,  or  rather  that  they 
should  "  rise  superior  to  their  environment." 

In  fact,  the  history  of  the  bourgeoisie  is  a 
series  of  struggles  to  keep  from  being  pulled 
back  into  the  old  or  pulled  forward  into  a  new 
class  environment. 

The  revolution  of  a  new  class  was  necessary, 
before  the  great  problems  of  the  human  race 
could  be  solved.  This  revolution  came  in  due 
time. 

****** 


SCIENCE  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

XII.    THE  WEDDING  OF  SCIENCE  AND  NATURAL 
PHILOSOPHY 

The  close  of  the  i8th  century  was  marked  by 
two  discoveries  which  left  their  imprint  on 
science  for  a  full  hundred  years.  First,  the  in- 
troduction of  vaccination  as  a  preventive  against 
smallpox,  by  Jenner,  in  1796,  stirred  up  the  old 
bones  in  medicine,  and  in  the  second  place,  the 
invention  of  the  Voltaic  pile  by  Volta,  in  1799 
revived  the  interest  in  electricity.  Jenner's  idea 
showed  that  the  futility  of  the  prevailing  symp- 
tomatic treatment  of  diseases  was  being  realized, 
but  his  method  was  itself  still  a  fight  against 
symptoms,  instead  of  a  removal  of  causes.  It 
must  be  admitted,  that  it  was  the  best  that  could 
be  done  under  the  prevailing  historical  conditions, 
for  capitalism  limits  all  human  activity  to  more 
or  less  symptomatic  methods.  One  hundred 
years  of  practical  experience  with  Vaccination 
and  similar  preventive  methods  have  demon- 
strated, that  the  scientific  way  to  treat  diseases  is 
to  remove  their  causes,  and  this  understanding 
found  its  logical  application  in  the  revolutionary 
method  of  the  class-conscious  proletariat. 

Volta's  invention  was  the  forerunner  of  great 

91 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

discoveries  in  experimental  physics,  all  of  which 
were  so  many  little  stones  in  the  beautiful  mosaic 
of  a  monistic  conception  of  the  universe.  Ever 
since  Franklin  had  made  his  experiments  with 
lightning,  scientists  had  studied  the  atmospheric 
phenomena  and  investigated  the  nature  of  elec- 
tricity. Rumford,  in  1798,  and  Davy,  in  1799, 
published  the  results  of  their  experiments  on  the 
nature  of  heat.  Thomas  Young  established 
the  undulatory  theory  of  ether  by  explaining  the 
interference  of  light.  And  Dalton,  who  had 
elaborated  his  atomic  theory  in  chemistry  in  1803 
and  communicated  it  to  Thomas  Thompson  in 
1804,  published  his  "  New  System  of  Chemical 
Philosophy  "  in  1808. 

The  fundamental  laws,  which  dominated  the 
physics  and  chemistry  of  the  iQth  century,  were 
thus  established.  It  was  not  until  the  beginning 
of  the  2Oth  century,  that  doubts  as  to  the  sound- 
ness of  these  three  theories  were  expressed  and 
the  desire  for  their  reconsideration  became  strong 
enough  to  lead  to  a  greater  accuracy  in  terms 
and  definitions.  Dalton  made  a  new  departure  in 
chemical  methods,  and  gave  rise  to  two  schools. 
One  of  them  devoted  itself  to  chemistry,  the  other 
to  physics.  The  first  result  of  Dalton's  methods 
in  chemistry  was  the  practical  determination  of 


SCIENCE  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

atomic  weights  by  Berzelius,  begun  in  1811.  And 
in  physics,  Gay  Lussac  and  Avogadro  modified 
the  Daltonian  theory  profoundly.  Gay  Lussac 
showed  in  1808,  that  combination  between  gases 
always  takes  place  in  simple  relations  by  volume, 
and  that  all  gaseous  densities  are  proportional 
either  to  the  combined  weights  of  the  various 
substances,  or  to  rational  multiples  of  their 
weights.  And  Avogadro  generalized  the  new 
ideas  in  1811  and  announced  his  law  that  "  equal 
volumes  of  gas,  under  like  conditions,  of  tem- 
perature and  pressure,  contain  an  equal  number 
of  molecules."  At  the  same  time,  the  principle  of 
classification,  adopted  by  natural  science,  worked 
its  way  into  economics,  politics,  and  law.  These 
specialists  were  little  aware  of  the  fact,  that  they 
were  contributing  their  share  to  a  monistic  con- 
ception of  all  phenomena  in  the  universe,  and 
undermining  inch  by  inch  the  foundation  on 
which  the  theological  belief  in  supernatural  mir- 
acles rested. 

Capitalism  was  now  in  its  ascending  stage,  and 
its  technical  requirements  in  transportation  and 
markets  soon  led  to  an  improvement  of  steam 
engines  and  means  of  general  communication. 
Fitch  made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  introduce 
steam  navigation  on  the  Delaware,  in  1790.  The 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

first  steamboat  on  the  Clyde  and  Forth  was 
launched  by  Symington,  in  1802.  And  finally 
Fulton  steamed  up  the  Hudson,  in  1807,  and 
succeeded  where  Fitch  had  failed.  The  first 
locomotive  was  placed  into  practical  commission 
in  1804,  and  the  discovery  that  smooth  wheels 
were  better  for  railroads  than  toothed  wheels 
was  made  in  1813.  Then  came  the  first  suc- 
cessful trip  of  a  train  drawn  by  a  locomotive, 
made  by  Stephenson,  in  1829.  Improvements  in 
railroading  were  accompanied  by  the  invention  of 
the  telegraph  and  telephone,  the  credit  for  which 
is  due  to  Wheatstone,  Oersted,  Henry,  Morse, 
Edison  and  Bell.  Steam  navigation  across  the 
Atlantic  ocean  was  inaugurated  in  1838,  and  the 
first  trans-Atlantic  cable  between  Europe  and 
North  America  was  completed  in  1866.  The 
postal  and  telegraph  systems  came  rapidly  into 
use,  with  cheap  postage  and  mailing  facilities. 
Capitalism  penetrated  into  the  remotest  hamlets, 
created  a  world  after  its  own  image  wherever  it 
went,  and  at  the  same  time  abolished  the  element 
of  distance  in  human  intercourse. 

From  now  on,  scientific  exploration  trips  to 

every  quarter  of  the  globe  became  a  permanent 

feature  of  human  life,  and  a  network  of  scientific 

stations  was  spread  over  the  surface  of  the  earth 

94 


SCIENCE  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

from  pole  to  pole.  The  tropics  and  the  frigid 
zones,  the  highest  mountain  ranges  and  the  hid- 
den valleys,  the  depths  of  the  seas  and  the 
interior  of  the  earth,  were  compelled  to  give  up 
their  secrets.  Every  unknown  territory  was  in- 
vaded, and  a  steady  stream  of  facts  began  to 
flow  into  the  studies  of  the  scientists.  Soon  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  minds  and  hands  were 
busy  accumulating,  sifting,  classifying  evidence, 
and  theorizing  on  it.  One  startling  discovery 
after  another  followed  in  bewildering  succession. 
It  would  require  volumes  to  appreciate  the  merits 
of  even  the  most  remarkable  accomplishments  of 
science,  in  the  iQth  century,  for  the  formulation 
of  a  monistic  conception  of  the  world. 

Specialization  became  an  inevitable  result  of 
this  activity.  Among  many  new  departments  in 
science,  the  igth  century  gave  birth  to  that 
specialty,  which  has  done  more  than  any  other  to 
bring  the  nature  of  the  human  faculty  of  under- 
standing into  reach  of  empirical  methods  and 
take  away  the  last  mystical  ground  on  which  the 
theory  of  a  supernatural  soul  rested.  That 
specialty  is  biology.  This  term  was  first  em- 
ployed by  Treviranus,  who  selected  for  his  life's 
work  the  creation  of  a  new  science,  which  should 
study  the  forms  and  phenomena  of  life,  its  origin, 

95 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

and  the  conditions  and  laws  of  its  existence.  In 
his  "  Biology,  or  Philosophy  of  Living  Nature," 
published  in  1802,  he  defined  life  as  the  "  uni- 
formity of  reactions  on  unlike  stimuli  of  the  outer 
world."  He  thereby  established  a  principle  in 
natural  science,  which  has  been  all  too  frequently 
overlooked  by  scientists  and  philosophers,  namely 
the  interrelation  of  the  individual  and  its  en- 
vironment. But  a  few  remembered  it  and  used  it 
with  the  most  revolutionary  effect.  The  living 
animal  and  plant  now  became  the  objects  of  study 
as  well  as  the  dead,  and  the  most  intimate  proc- 
esses of  nature  were  stripped  one  by  one  of  their 
mysterious  character. 

It  is  interesting  to  note,  though  quite  natural 
from  pur  point  of  view,  that,  the  ideas  of  the 
ancient  natural  philosophers  re-appeared  simul- 
taneously with  the  new  accomplishments  of  sci- 
ence. Irrespective  of  confessional  differences, 
scientists  of  various  nations  returned  to  materi- 
alist and  monist  methods.  And  evolutionary 
ideas  unavoidably  accompanied  this  tendency,  for 
as  we  have  seen,  the  ancient  natural  philosophers 
were  all  more  or  less  imbued  with  evolutionary 
(dialectic)  ideas. 

When  Goethe  published  his  "  Metamorphosis 
of  Plants,"  in  1790,  he  intimated  that  a  mysterious 

96 


SCIENCE  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

law  indicated  the  interrelation  and  common 
descent  of  all  plants  from  one  primeval  type. 
And  in  his  "  Metamorphosis  of  Animals,"  he 
made  the  same  claims  in  regard  to  the  origin  of 
animals.  This  was  but  a  return  of  the  human 
mind,  after  a  long  and  fruitless  drift  around  a 
circle,  to  the  ideas  of  the  Grecian  natural  philos- 
ophers. But  now  the  facts  for  an  empirical  proof 
of  this  theory  were  within  reach,  and  were  soon 
to  be  marshalled  against  the  Mosaic  theories, 
which  had  dominated  the  human  mind  since  the 
advent  of  the  medieval  church  to  power. 

In  1809,  Lamarck  came  forth  with  his  "  Philos- 
ophie  Zoologique  "  and  developed  the  theory  of 
natural  evolution  systematically.  He  struck  first 
of  all  a  crushing  blow  at  the  metaphysical  con- 
ception of  the  mysterious  nature  of  life,  which  the 
naturalists  of  the  i8th  century  had  attributed  to 
a  supernatural  vital  force.  He  opposed  this  idea 
of  vitalism  by  the  theory  that  the  primeval  an- 
cestors of  living  beings  on  this  globe  were  the 
simplest  organisms  imaginable  and  were  gener- 
ated spontaneously  by  the  interaction  of  physical 
causes,  as  soon  as  the  globe  had  cooled  sufficiently. 
Half  a  century  later,  such  simple  organisms  were 
actually  discovered,  and  still  fifty  years  later  the 


97 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

first  life  processes  were  produced  by  mechanical 
means  in  the  laboratory. 

According  to  Lamarck,  those  simple  primeval 
organisms  were  gradually  transformed  through 
changes  in  their  conditions  of  life,  leading  to  the 
greater  use  of  some  and  to  the  disuse  of  other 
organs,  to  adaptations  to  changed  environments, 
?,nd  to  the  transmission  of  new  characters  thus 
acquired  by  way  of  heredity.  Similar  ideas  were 
advanced  by  Geoffroy  Saint  Hilaire  and  Oken. 
The  misfortune  of  these  pioneers  of  resurrected 
evolution  was,  that  the  palaeontological  and  em- 
bryological  material  for  the  substantiation  of  this 
theory  was  not  yet  sufficient  to  silence  the  oppo- 
sition. And  as  the  new.  ideas  were  at  once  vio- 
lently assailed  by  reactionary  thought,  the  cham- 
pions of  the  new  science  had  a  hard  stand.  When 
Cuvier,  the  founder  of  comparative  anatomy, 
challenged  Geoffroy  Saint  Hilaire,  in  1830,  to  a 
public  debate,  the  old  ideas  of  the  Mosaic  creation 
theory  carried  the  day  and  remained  victorious 
for  thirty  years  longer. 

But  the  general  results  of  Cuvier's  own  spe- 
cialty, comparative  anatomy,  led  to  the  elabora- 
tion of  a  natural  system  of  classification,  which 
stands  as  an  eloquent  proof  of  the  interrelation 
of  forms  claimed  by  Lamarck.  And  the  flimsy 


SCIENCE  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

foundation  of  Cuvier's  arguments  was  further 
shaken  by  the  progress  in  other  lines  of  science. 
In  1830,  Lyell  established  the  proofs  of  imper- 
ceptible and  continuous  development  in  geology 
in  his  "  Principles  of  Geology,"  and  pulled  the 
crude  catastrophic  theory  of  Cuvier  to  shreds. 
And  Humphrey  Davy  had  already  suggested  in 
1809,  that  matter  might  be  of  a  much  more  com- 
plex structure  than  was  generally  assumed.  He 
also  intimated  that  matter  might  become  radiant 
through  very  great  velocity.  Faraday  made 
similar  statements  in  1816,  but  his  work  "  On  the 
Magnetization  of  Light  and  the  Illumination  of 
the  Magnetic  Lines  of  Force"  did  not  appear 
until  1845.  Ten  years  later  he  discovered  the 
laws  of  electrolysis.  These  steps  led  directly  to 
the  theory  of  electrons  and  ions,  and  with  these 
charged  particles  of  matter  the  entire  theory  of 
atoms  assumed  a  new  aspect.  Light  and  heat, 
electricity  and  magnetism,  now  appeared  as  very 
close  relatives,  and  it  required  but  a  few  steps 
more  to  establish  the  identity  of  all  life's  phe- 
nomena with  electricity,  magnetism,  and  radia- 
tion. 

*     *    *    *     * 


99 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

XIII.    THE  OUTCOME  OF  CLASSIC  PHILOSOPHY 
IN  GERMANY 

These  conditions  were  at  once  reflected  in 
philosophy.  It  was  Hegel  whose  works  marked 
the  next  milestone  after  Kant.  Hegel's  "  Phe- 
nomenology of  the  Mind "  appeared  in  1807. 
His  "  Science  of  Logic  "  followed  in  1812-16,  his 
"  Encyclopedia  of  Philosophical  Sciences "  in 
1817,  his  "  Philosophy  of  Right "  and  "  Philoso- 
phy of  Religion  "  in  1821,  and  his  maturest  work, 
the  "  Philosophy  of  History,"  in  1827.  This  last 
work  differs  from  all  previous  historical  works 
"by  its  distinct  recognition  of  evolution,  although 
it  does  not  understand  the  means  by  which  the 
evolution  of  human  societies  is  brought  about. 
From  now  on,  the  world  and  society  were  re- 
garded dialectically,  that  is  to  say  as  a  succession 
of  processes  following  one  out  of  another. 
Things  were  no  longer  merely  static,  but  also 
dynamic  and  dialectic. 

But  unfortunately,  the  mystical  ideas  were  still 
predominating.  The  reaction  after  the  French 
revolution  had  produced  a  profound  dissatisfac- 
tion with  materialism  in  the  bourgeois  mind,  and 
as  natural  science  had  not  yet  permitted  the  ma- 

100 


GERMAN  CLASSICAL  PHILOSOPHY 

terialist  evolutionists  to  triumph,  the  indescribable 
longing  of  the  bourgeoisie  for  the  consolations 
of  idealism  and  mysticism  impressed  itself  on  the 
thinkers  of  the  day  in  a  very  forcible  manner, 
especially  since  the  proletariat  was  showing  a  de- 
cided affinity  for  materialism  and  plain  speech. 
Too  late  did  the  French  and  German  bourgeois 
realize,  what  the  English  capitalist  class  had  un- 
derstood a  hundred  years  before,  namely  that 
"  religion  must  be  preserved  for  the  people." 

Under  these  circumstances,  Hegel  became  an 
idealist.  To  him  the  life  processes  of  the  human 
brain,  the  production  and  realization  of  ideas,  ap- 
peared as  the  evolution  of  The  Absolute  Idea,  of 
the  absolute  mind,  which  was  the  real  and  only 
ruler  of  the  universe,  while  the  things  which  the 
human  mind  perceived  were  but  unreal  imagina- 
tions of  the  Absolute  Idea.  Of  course  Hegel 
had  also  to  analyze  Kant's  proofs  for  the  existence 
of  a  god,  as  well  as  the  proofs  of  the  metaphysi- 
cians and  theologians,  in  order  to  establish  his 
theory.  He  made  short  work  of  them  all  by 
turning  them  upside  down.  Kant  had  declared, 
that  there  must  be  a  god,  because  his  existence 
could  not  be  proven  by  means  of  the  things  which 
were  in  this  world  of  human  perceptions.  Hegel, 
on  the  contrary  declared,  that  there  must  be  a 

101 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

god,  because  the  things  of  this  world  had  no  real 
existence,  and  because  the  Absolute  Idea  alone 
was  real.  And  the  theologians,  on  their  part,  had 
furnished  a  third  proof  for  the  existence  of  a  god 
by  declaring  that  he  must  be  there,  because  the 
world  exists  in  reality.  In  short,  the  human  mind, 
in  spite  of  all  scientific  progress,  was  still  groping 
around  blindly  in  the  same  old  contradictory  cir- 
cle. But  this  maze  of  contradictions  was  her- 
alded by  the  ruling  class  as  the  most  sublime 
wisdom,  and  disseminated  by  the  leaders  of 
thought  with  the  zeal  of  fanatics.  If  any  prole- 
tarian thinker  attempted  to  establish  the  truth  of 
his  theories  by  such  methods,  he  would  be  con- 
sidered a  fit  companion  for  the  inmates  of  a  luna- 
tic asylum.  The  most  unreal  and  fantastic  ideas 
were  hailed  as  inspired,  and  the  simplest  matter  of 
fact  truths  assailed  as  hare-brained  imaginations. 
The  classic  German  school  before  and  after  He- 
gel, represented  by  men  like  Schelling,  Fichte, 
and  Schopenhauer,  never  got  out  of  this  labyrinth. 
In  one  respect,  however,  Hegel  stands  entirely 
by  himself  as  an  idealist  philosopher.  His  is 
the  unique  distinction  of  having  elaborated 
idealism  into  a  complete  system  of  monism,  by 
making  his  absolute  idea  the  lock  and  key  of  all 
science  and  philosophy,  and  thus  interpreting  the 

102 


GERMAN  CLASSICAL  PHILOSOPHY 

world  and  its  phenomena  from  a  uniform  point 
of  view.  It  was  this  monist  principle  which  en- 
abled him  to  trace  the  course  of  history  as  an 
evolution  and  make  a  dialectic  (evolutionary) 
method  of  investigation  and  description  familiar 
to  scientists. 

It  was  also  his  monism  which  compelled  him  to 
take  issue  with  Kant's  metaphysical  conception  of 
"  the  thing  itself."  This  metaphysical  absurdity 
did  not  fit  into  the  frame  work  of  Hegel's  monistic 
system.  For  the  absolute  idea  was  the  only  all- 
pervading  reality  in  this  system,  and  everything 
that  appeared  in  the  world  was  but  the  work  of 
this  idea.  In  the  human  mind,  the  absolute  idea 
became  self-conscious.  It  is  evident,  therefore, 
that  the  idea  must  know  and  understand  its  own 
nature  and  that  of  its  emanations,  including 
Kant's  unknowable  thing  itself.  And  since  the 
human  mind  was  part  and  parcel  of  the  absolute 
idea,  it,  too,  must  partake  of  this  absolute  faculty 
of  understanding  and  must  be  able  to  learn  all 
there  is  to  the  thing  itself.  Now,  things  reveal 
their  nature  by  their  qualities.  Therefore,  if  alt 
the  qualities  of  a  thing  were  known  to  us,  we 
should  know  all  that  we  could  ever  learn  about 
the  thing  itself,  including  the  fact  that  it  existed 
outside  of  our  faculty  of  thought.  But  since  all 

103 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

things  outside  of  us,  and  we  ourselves,  are  buf. 
different  expressions  of  the  absolute  idea,  there 
can  be  nothing  in  the  world  that  will  remain  un- 
knowable to  us. 

Thinking  and  being  were  thus  monistically 
united.  But  thinking  was  the  only  reality  in 
Hegel's  philosophy,  and  being  merely  an  attribute 
of  thought.  So  the  idealist  monism  of  this 
thinker  came  to  this  insoluble  contradiction :  It 
tried  to  prove  the  reality  of  the  absolute  idea  by 
the  identity  of  thinking  and  being,  but  the  only 
reliable  means  by  which  it  could  accomplish  this 
was  the  use  of  "  pure  "  thought.  It  had  to  reject 
all  empirical  methods,  and  rely  solely  on  the  power 
of  so-called  innate  (a  priori)  ideas  for  the  solution 
of  the  world's  riddles.  But  innate  ideas  can 
operate  only  with  purely  introspective  philosophy 
for  the  solution  of  all  scientific  problems.  This, 
however,  was  contrary  to  the  dialectic  (evolution- 
ary) method  of  research,  which  compelled  Hegel 
to  collect  the  experienced  facts  of  history.  Ac- 
cording to  this  dialectic,  the  absolute  idea  de- 
veloped by  a  process  of  evolution  in  such  a  way, 
that  every  phenomenon  begot  its  own  negation, 
which  in  turn  was  followed  by  a  negation  of  the 
negation,  leading  to  the  reproduction  of  the  orig- 
inal phenomenon  on  a  higher  scale.  In  fact,  he 

104 


GERMAN  CLASSICAL  PHILOSOPHY 

diligently  followed  the  thread  of  evolution  in  all 
fields  of  science  known  in  his  day,  and  an  ob- 
jective comparison  would  clearly  show  that  even 
the  so-called  great  apostle  of  evolution,  Herbert 
Spencer,  walked  but  in  the  steps  of  this  encyclo- 
pedic idealist  monist. 

Hegel's  dialectic  was  thus  perpetually  at  war 
with  his  system.  This  was  the  fatal  flaw  in  hisi 
monism.  The  real  and  the  unreal  can  never  be 
combined  into  a  system,  any  more  than  the  some- 
thing and  nothing.  The  something  is  real,  the 
nothing  is  —  nothing,  is  unreal.  Being  and  think- 
ing can  be  combined  only  by  accepting  them  as 
realities.  The  term  "  nothing  "  expresses  merely 
the  abstract  opposite  of  an  imaginary  absolute 
something.  It  exists  only  in  thought,  it  is 
"  pure  "  thought,  which  means  that  it  is  human 
imagination  misled  by  false  logic.  And  if  this  ab- 
stract nothing  is  used  as  a  basis  for  a  system  of 
philosophy,  it  leads  to  nothing,  in  other  words,  it 
leaves  the  human  understanding  in  the  wilderness 
without  a  guide. 

So  far  as  the  Hegelian  system  is  concerned,  it 
tells  us,  therefore,  nothing  about  man,  life  and 
their  origins,  which  would  improve  in  any  way 
the  work  of  the  ancient  Grecian  philosophers,  the 
English  materialists  and  the  natural  philosophers 

105 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

of  the  1 9th  century,  such  as  Treviranus  and 
Lamarck,  or  which  would  even  indicate  the  prog- 
ress made  by  these  men.  Nor  does  it  explain  the 
hidden  springs  of  the  human  faculty  of  thought. 
Even  a  metaphysical  thinker  like  Leibniz,  who 
tried  as  hard  as  Spinoza  to  find  a  monistic  clue 
to  the  world,  had  given  a  better  foundation  for 
the  study  of  this  faculty  by  suggesting  that  so- 
called  innate  ideas  might  be  acquired  by  the  hered- 
itary transmission  of  ideas  derived  from  experi- 
enced perceptions.  And  those  who  went  back  to 
Kant  for  an  improvement  of  the  Hegelian  system, 
for  instance  Schopenhauer,  landed  logically  in 
the  swamp  of  reactionary  obscurantism.  With 
all  its  undeniable  brilliancy,  Hegelian  idealist 
monism  was,  therefore,  a  step  away  from  a 
scientific  understanding  of  the  world. 

Not  so  the  Hegelian  dialectic.  This  method  de- 
veloped all  the  hidden  value  of  the  Kantian  philos- 
ophy. And  when  the  Hegelian  system  failed,  the 
dialectic  survived  and  prepared,  with  the  down- 
fall of  idealist  monism,  the  ascendency  and  vic- 
tory of  materialistic  monism.  Jt  is  the  evolution- 
ary thread,  which  runs  through  all  of  Hegel's 
writings,  that  renders  a  study  of  his  works  bene- 
ficial for  the  socialist  thinker,  who  has  learned  to 


106 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  GLASS 

cull   the  evolutionary   kernel   from  the   idealist 
husks. 

***** 


XIV.    SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

The  immediate  result  of  the  critical  study  of 
Hegelian  philosophy  in  Germany  was  a  fight  of 
the  Young-Hegelians  against  the  system  of  their 
master.  Among  these  progressive  thinkers,  the 
most  decisive  contribution  toward  materialist 
monism  was  to  come  from  Friedrich  Koeppen, 
Bruno  Bauer,  Ludwig  Feuerbach,  Karl  Marx  and 
Friedrich  Engels. 

The  strength  of  Koeppen  lay  in  his  understand- 
ing of  history.  The  study  of  the  official  writers 
of  Prussia  had  opened  his  eyes  to  the  unrelia- 
bility of  the  academic  historians,  whose  sole 
sources  of  information  were  diplomatic  documents 
and  police  reports.  He  made  himself  conspicuous 
by  a  very  clever  and  clear  description  of  the  reign 
of  terror  in  the  French  revolution,  by  which  he 
demonstrated  his  faculty  of  selecting  the  most 
significant  and  characteristic  factors  out  of  a  mul- 
titude of  garbled  and  intentionally  colored  tra- 
ditions. And  he  distinguished  himself  favorably 

107 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

from  the  mass  of  the  Young-Hegelians  by  ad- 
mitting the  value  of  the  materialists  of  the  i8th 
century,  although  he  objected  to  the  "  crude  ma- 
terialism "  of  a  Holbach  and  Helvetius.  Koep- 
pen  never  divested  himself  fully  of  the  bourgeois 
psychology,  but  his  historical  talent  proved  to  be 
invaluable  to  Karl  Marx,  who  was  destined  to  be- 
come the  first  scientific  spokesman  of  the  prole- 
tarian revolution. 

With  the  development  of  the  German  bour- 
geoisie, and  its  repression  by  the  feudal  nobility, 
the  thinkers  of  the  rising  classes  felt  the  need  of 
finding  a  philosophical  expression  for  their  his- 
torical condition.  In  the  minds  of  Bruno  Bauer, 
Koeppen  and  Marx,  this  longing  for  self-expres- 
sion found  vent  in  a  study  of  self-consciousness. 
Their  starting  point  was  Hegel's  analysis  of  the 
Grecian  philosophy  of  consciousness,  particularly 
the  development  of  self-consciousness  in  its  rela- 
tion to  social  consciousness,  in  the  Sceptics,  Epi- 
cureans and  Stoics.  In  the  Sceptics,  self-con- 
sciousness had  renounced  all  contact  with  the 
world  and  retreated  into  itself.  The  Epicureans 
had  undertaken  to  show  that  the  principle  of  in- 
dividual consciousness  was  the  compelling  motive 
of  the  universe.  The  Stoics,  finally,  had  empha- 
sized the  interrelation  of  individual  consciousness 

108 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

with  universal  consciousness.  Hegel  had  given 
a  philosophically  obscure  and  historically  weak 
presentation  of  these  three  schools  of  Grecian 
thought,  and  the  idealist  nature  of  his  system  had 
impregnated  his  statements  with  a  good  deal  of 
reactionary  sentiment.  It  was  natural  that  his 
revolutionary  disciples  should  take  particular  of- 
fense at  this  part  of  Hegelian  philosophy  and  test 
its  soundness  by  probing  deeper  into  the  problem 
of  Grecian  self-consciousness  and  social  con- 
sciousness. 

The  result  of  their  studies  was  a  peculiar  con- 
tribution on  the  part  of  each  one  of  these  three 
Young-Hegelians  to  the  problem  of  conscious- 
ness. Koeppen  illustrated  the  significance  of  the 
three  above-named  Grecian  schools  by  the  con- 
crete example  of  Frederick  the  Great.  Bruno 
Bauer  was  led  from  the  study  of  these  three 
Grecian  schools  to  a  study  of  their  influence  on 
the  development  of  primitive  Christian  conscious- 
ness in  the  Graeco-Roman  world.  This  research 
bore  fruit  in  the  shape  of  a  destructive  criticism 
of  the  historical  value  of  the  four  gospels.  Bauer 
struck  orthodox  theology  to  the  heart  by  denying 
that  the  gospel  accounts  were  based  on  historical 
facts  and  demonstrating  conclusively  that  Chris- 
tianity arose  in  the  Roman  empire  as  a  product  of 

109 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

Grecian  philosophy  and  Roman  conditions.  But 
neither  Koeppen  nor  Bauer  were  able  to  exert 
a  pregnant  influence  on  the  political  conditions  of 
their  country  by  means  of  practical  conclusions 
drawn  from  their  studies. 

Marx,  on  the  other  hand,  probed  deeper  than 
his  two  companions  and  became  an  epoch-making 
historical" figure.  He  first  of  all  set  out  on  a 
searching  analysis  of  the  three  significant  Gre- 
cian schools  of  thought  and  studied  their  connec- 
tion with  the  entire  Grecian  philosophy.  He 
graduated  at  the  University  of  Berlin  with  a  dis- 
sertation on  the  difference  between  the  philosophy 
of  Demokritos  and  Epicurus.  And  he  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  his  purpose  could  not  consist 
in  anything  else  but  in  stating  religious  and  polit- 
ical questions  in  their  self-conscious  human  form. 
Religion  was  the  all-absorbing  topic  in  those  days 
of  political  oppression,  and  a  critique  of  religion 
an  indirect  way  of  combatting  all  political  re- 
action. Marx  was  intimately  familiar  with  the 
works  of  Kant  and  Hegel,  and  went  into  a  mi- 
nute study  of  their  proofs  for  the  existence  of  a 
God.  The  comical  contradictions  in  those  proofs 
wrung  from  him  the  amused  exclamation: 
"  What  sort  of  clients  are  those,  whom  their  own 


110 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

lawyer  cannot  save  from  execution  in  any  other 
way  than  by  killing  them  himself  ? " 

It  is  out  of  such  considerations  as  these  that 
Marx  felt  justified  in  declaring  that  religion  "  is 
the  self-consciousness  of  a  human  being  that  has 
either  not  yet  found  itself  or  again  lost  itself. 
*  *  *  Religion  is  the  sigh  of  the  oppressed  crea- 
tures, the  mind  of  a  heartless  world,  the  spirit  of 
spiritless  conditions.  It  is  the  opium  of  the  peo- 
ple. *  *  *  The  abolition  of  religion  as  the 
illusory  happiness  of  the  people  signifies  their 
demand  for  real  happiness.  *  *  *  The  world 
has  long  been  dreaming  of  things  and  has  but 
to  become  conscious  of  them  in  order  to  possess 
them.  *  *  *  Just  as  religion  is  the  index  of 
the  theoretical  struggles  of  mankind,  so 
the  political  state  is  that  of  its  practical 
struggles.  *  *  *" 

The  theological  opponents  of  Marx  are  fond 
of  quoting  the  first  part  of  these  statements  in 
order  to  prove  that  "  socialism  is  the  enemy  of 
religion,"  but  they  are  careful  to  omit  the  other 
quotations,  which  demand  that  the  professed  prin- 
ciples of  religion  should  be  applied  in  every  day 
human  life. 

The  religious  criticisms  of  the  Young-Hegelians 
were  crowned  by  Ludwig  Feuerbach's  "  Essence 

111 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

of  Christianity  "  and  "  Theses  for  a  Reform  of 
Philosophy,"  by  means  of  which  he  emancipated 
himself  and  his  fellow-radicals  from  the  Hegelian 
system.  He  declared  point  blank :  The  mystery 
of  God's  nature  illustrates  nothing  else  but  the 
mystery  of  human  nature.  The  various  proofs 
for  the  existence  of  a  God  are  merely  interesting 
attempts  of  self-affirmation  on  the  part  of  the 
human  being.  The  method  of  speculative  philos- 
ophy, which  attempts  to  deduce  concrete  truths 
from  abstract  generalizations,  is  fallacious. 
Nothing  can  be  obtained  in  this  manner  but  a 
realization  of  one's  own  abstractions.  The  mys- 
tery of  speculative  philosophy  finds  its  logical 
champion  in  theology.  Hegelian  philosophy  is 
the  last  resort  of  theology.  Whoever  does  not 
abandon  Hegelian  philosophy,  does  not  abandon 
theology.  Being  is  the  true  reality,  and  thinking 
merely  an  attribute  of  being.  Being  is  simply 
the  existence  of  nature.  Empirical  philosophy 
and  natural  -science  must  go  hand  in  hand. 

Theoretically,  Feuerbach  had  thus  overcome 
Hegelian  idealism  and  become  a  materialist 
philosopher.  But  when  it  came  to  a  practical 
application  of  his  new  understanding  to  social 
problems,  he  balked  at  the  logical  progress  implied 
by  his  advance  over  Hegel  and  fell  into  mean- 

112 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

ingless  ethical  generalizations  of  love.  On  this 
field,  Hegel  himself  had  gone  farther  than  his 
revolutionary  disciple.  Feuerbach  overcame  the 
natural  and  religious  idealism  of  Hegel,  but 
failed  to  even  suspect  the  meaning  of  the  Hegel- 
ian philosophy  of  state  and  law.  When  con- 
fronted with  the  actual  problems  of  social 
evolution,  he  was  as  helpless  as  the  French  so- 
cialists of  the  i8th  century,  who  were  masters  of 
philosophic  criticism,  but  had  nothing  construc- 
tive to  offer  save  Utopian  abstractions. 

Marx,  on  his  part,  had  arrived  at  an  under- 
standing of  the  deep  and  significant  interrelation 
between  politics  and  philosophy.  In  Kant's 
philosophy,  Marx  recognized  the  German  theory 
of  the  French  revolution.  And  with  a  fine  sense 
of  discrimination,  he  pointed  out  the  real  progress 
of  Hegel  over  Kant  in  sociology  and  history. 
While  Kant  had  still  maintained  the  distinction 
between  privileged  citizens  of  the  state  and  un- 
privileged members  of  society,  Hegel  regarded 
the  state  as  that  great  organism,  in  which  every 
human  being  should  realize  its  legal,  moral  and 
political  liberty.  And  the  dialectic  process,  as 
outlined  by  Hegel,  was  praised  by  Marx  as  a 
wonderful  advance  over  the  historical  blindness 
of  Kant. 

113 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

Marx,  under  these  circumstances,  did  not  stop 
at  the  point  where  Bauer  and  Feuerbach  had 
rested  in  their  advance.  He  pushed  ahead  with- 
out them,  and  was  gradually  compelled,  by  the 
exigencies  of  the  political  situation,  to  combat 
them.  In  the  endeavor  to  better  understand  the 
relation  of  philosophy  to  politics,  he  first  under- 
took to  submit  the  Hegelian  legal  philosophy  to 
his  scrutiny,  with  a  view  of  determining  the  rela- 
tion of  political  freedom  to  human  freedom. 
He  opened  his  critique  with  these  words :  "  The 
criticism  of  religion  ended  with  the  statement 
that  man  is  for  man  the  highest  being.  This 
is  equivalent  to  the  categorical  imperative  to 
abolish  all  conditions  in  which  man  is  a  degraded, 
oppressed,  forsaken,  despicable  being."  This 
requires  a  political  revolution.  What  are  the 
conditions  under  which  such  a  revolution  can 
take  place?  In  analyzing  this  problem,  Marx 
discovered  that  the  conditions  for  such  a  revolu- 
tion had  not  yet  matured  in  Germany.  But  at  the 
same  time,  he  answered  the  question  in  such  a 
way  that  it  was  solved  for  Germans  as  well  as 
for  all  other  nationalities. 

"  In  order  that  the  revolution  of  a  nation  and 
the  emancipation  of  a  definite  class  may  coincide, 
in  order  that  one  class  may  be  the  representative 

114 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

of  the  entire  nation,  it  is  necessary  that  all  short- 
comings of  society  should  be  concentrated  in  an- 
other class,  *  *  *  so  that  the  emancipation 
of  this  class  may  be  equivalent  to  the  emancipation 
of  humanity." 

This  class  is  the  modern  proletariat,  recruited 
mainly  from  the  ranks  of  the  disintegrating  mid- 
dle class  and  the  different  strata  of  the  precap- 
italist working  class.  This  proletariat  will  find 
its  intellectual  weapons  in  philosophy.  "  Philos- 
ophy cannot  be  realized  without  the  abolition  of 
the  proletariat,  the  proletariat  cannot  emancipate 
itself  without  realizing  philosophy." 

This  philosophical  affirmation  of  the  class  strug- 
gle was  followed  by  a  philosophical  synopsis  of 
its  historical  mission.  Bauer  had  declared  that 
the  solution  of  the  "  Jewish  question  "  was  iden- 
tical with  that  of  the  emancipation  of  mankind 
from  religion.  Marx  denied  this  and  pointed  out 
that  the  question  of  the  relation  of  religion  to 
politics  was  different  from  that  of  political  to 
human  freedom.  Even  with  the  greatest  amount 
of  political  freedom  possible  in  a  bourgeois  repub- 
lic, the  people  might  still  be  enthralled  in  religious 
superstitions.  Political  emancipation  is  not  iden- 
tical with  emancipation  from  religious  dualism. 
Exceptionally,  the  struggle  for  political  emanci- 

115 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

pation  may  coincide  with  the  struggle  for  emanci- 
pation from  religion,  as  it  did  during  a  certain 
period  of  the  French  revolution.  But  so  long  as 
the  bourgeoisie  is  the  ruling  class,  this  can  occur 
only  by  antagonizing  the  conditions  of  its  own 
existence,  and  must,  therefore,  result  sooner  or 
later  in  a  rehabilitation  of  religion. 

Marx  was  incidentally  led  to  a  searching  criti- 
cism of  the  natural  rights  doctrine  and  found 
that  the  so-called  inalienable  human  rights  were 
nothing  but  an  expression  of  bourgeois  individ- 
uality resting  on  an  advocacy  of  private  property 
and  individualism.  "  Not  until  the  real  indi- 
vidual man  discards  the  abstract  citizen  of  the 
state  and  realizes  that  he,  as  an  individual,  in  his 
actual  life,  his  individual  work,  his  individual 
relations,  is  a  generic  being,  not  until  man  has 
organized  his  individual  powers  into  social  pow- 
ers, will  human  emancipation  be  accomplished." 

It  was  this  identical  conclusion  at  which  Fried- 
rich  Engels  had  likewise  arrived  in  the  meantime, 
and  which  he  expressed  in  these  words,  in  a  pre- 
liminary critique  of  political  economy :  "  Pro- 
duce consciously,  as  human  beings,  not  as  separate 
atoms  without  any  generic  consciousness,  and  you 
will  have  overcome  all  artificial  and  untenable 
contradictions ! "  And  with  almost  the  same 

116 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

words  as  Marx,  Engels  summed  up  his  con- 
clusions relative  to  religion  by  declaring  that 
"  man  lost  in  religion  his  own  nature,  divested 
himself  of  his  manhood.  Now  that  religion  has 
lost  its  hold  on  the  human  mind  through  his- 
torical development,  man  becomes  aware  of  the 
void  in  him  and  of  his  lack  of  support.  There  is 
no  other  salvation  for  him,  if  he  wishes  to  regain 
his  manhood,  than  to  thoroughly  overcome  all 
religious  ideas  and  return  sincerely,  not  to  '  God,' 
but  to  himself." 

Engels,  although  not  on  such  intimately  per- 
sonal terms  with  the  historically  significant 
Young-Hegelians  as  Marx,  had  likewise  taken 
his  departure  from  Hegel's  dialectic.  He  had 
then  studied  Bauer's  conception  of  self -conscious- 
ness and  Feuerbach's  humanitarianism,  and 
pushed  on  beyond  them  in  search  of  a  fuller 
understanding  of  the  Grecian  natural  philoso- 
phers. He  became  aware  of  the  great  historical 
value  of  the  ancient  natural  philosophy.  Realiz- 
ing that  it  contained  much  fantastic  by-work,  he 
nevertheless  understood  that  it  was  the  forerunner 
of  a  scientific  theory  of  evolution.  On  the  other 
hand,  he  did  not  fall  into  the  mistake  of  those 
purely  empirical  scientists,  who  snubbed  Hegel 
for  his  idealism  and  pretended  to  have  explained 

117 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

all  unknown  phenomena  by  attributing  them  to 
some  force  or  to  some  substance. 

Thanks  to  this  scientific  application  of  dialectic 
reasoning,  at  which  Engels  and  Marx  arrived  in- 
dependently of  one  another,  they  were  spared  the 
mistakes  of  the  other  Young-Hegelians  and  the 
aimless  wanderings  of  the  bourgeois  scientists  and 
philosophers  after  them.  It  was  due  to  the  mis- 
erable political  conditions  of  Germany  that  both 
of  them  applied  their  philosophical  minds,  not 
to  purely  academic  studies,  but  to  a  deeper  pene- 
tration of  the  sociological  problems  which  con- 
fronted them.  Marx  took  up  the  study  of  the 
French,  Engels  that  of  the  English  socialists.  A 
comprehensive  grasp  of  history,  economics,  phi- 
losophy and  natural  science  was  the  result. 
Marx  was  the  first  to  bring  order  out  of  that 
tangle  of  blunders  known  as  political  economy. 
Thanks  to  him,  we  have  a  complete  survey  of 
the  evolution  of  economics  as  a  science  from 
Aristotle  down  to  Petty,  North,  Locke,  Hume, 
Adam  Smith,  Ricardo,  and  Quesnay. 

The  central  fact,  which  impressed  itself 
especially  on  Marx,  was  that  "  legal  relations  and 
state  institutions  can  neither  be  understood  of 
themselves,  nor  as  results  of  the  so-called  general 
development  of  the  human  mind,  but  that,  they  are 

118 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

rooted  in  those  material  conditions  of  life  which 
Hegel,  following  the  example  of  the  English  and 
French  of  the  i8th  century,  comprises  under  the 
name  of  bourgeois  society;  that,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  anatomy  of  bourgeois  society  must  be 
sought  in  political  economy."  This  led  him  to 
the  logical  conclusion  that  "  the  mode  of  produc- 
tion of  the  material  requirements  of  life  deter- 
mines the  general  character  of  the  social,  political 
and  spiritual  processes  of  life.  It  is  not  the 
consciousness  of  men  that  determines  their  exist- 
ence, but,  on  the  contrary,  their  social  existence 
determines  their  consciousness.  At  a  certain 
stage  of  their  development,  the  material  forces 
of  production  in  society  come  in  conflict  with 
the  existing  relations  of  production,  or,  what  is 
but  a  legal  expression  for  the  same  thing,  with 
the  property  relations  within  which  they  had 
been  at  work  heretofore.  From  forms  of  devel- 
opment of  the  forces  of  production,  these  relations 
turn  into  their  fetters.  Then  follows  a  period 
of  social  revolution." 

These  are  the  terms  in  which  Marx  formulated 
his  conception  of  history  in  his  introduction  to 
his  "  Critique  of  Political  Economy,"  published  in 
1859.  But  when  he  met  Engels  in  1845  f°r  the 
purpose  of  permanent  association  with  him,  he 

119 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

had  it  already  worked  out  in  almost  the  same 
terms.  Engels  eagerly  assented  to  this  new  and 
startling  theory  of  history,  which  he  had  himself 
approached  in  his  "  Condition  of  the  Working 
Class  in  England  in  1844."  Henceforth  these 
two  thinkers  worked  side  by  side  in  a  fraternal 
co-operation  never  equaled  before  or  after  them. 
And  as  the  first  emphatic  declaration  of  the  fact 
that  from  now  on  philosophy,  science  and  the 
proletariat  were  united  for  the  conquest  of  so- 
ciety, and  that  no  science  could  be  monistic  with- 
out this  combination,  they  flung  the  gage  of  battle 
into  the  teeth  of  the  bourgeois  world  in  their 
"  Communist  Manifesto,"  published  in  1848. 
Never  before  had  the  theory  of  social  evolution 
been  stated  in  such  consistently  monist  materialist 
terms  as  in  that  immortal  document. 

Its  fundamental  proposition,  as  summed  up 
later  on  by  Engels,  is  that  "  in  every  historical 
epoch,  the  prevailing  mode  of  economic  produc- 
tion and  exchange,  and  the  social  organization 
necessarily  following  from  it,  form  the  basis  upon 
which  is  built  up,  and  from  which  alone  can  be 
explained,  the  political  and  intellectual  history  of 
that  epoch;  that  consequently  the  whole  history 
of  mankind,  since  the  dissolution  of  primitive 
tribal  society,  holding  land  in  common  owner- 

120 


SCIENCE   AND   THE  WORKING  CLASS 

ship,  has  been  a  history  of  class  struggles,  con- 
tests between  exploiting  and  exploited,  ruling  and 
oppressed  classes ;  that  the  history  of  these  class- 
struggles  forms  a  series  of  evolution  in  which, 
nowadays,  a  stage  has  been  reached,  where  the 
exploited  and  oppressed  class,  the  proletariat,  can- 
not attain  its  emancipation  from  the  sway  of  the 
exploiting  and  ruling  class,  the  bourgeoisie,  with- 
out at  the  same  time,  and  once  for  all,  emancipat- 
ing society  at  large  from  all  exploitation, 
oppression,  class  distinctions  and  class  struggles." 
The  great  problem  of  philosophy,  the  relation 
of  thinking  and  being,  was  thus  stated  with  re- 
gard to  the  human  race  in  a  dialectic  and  monistic 
way  on  a  materialist  basis.  For  the  first  time  man 
understood  clearly  whence  ideal  forces  come  and 
whither  they  are  tending.  Human  emancipation 
appeared  no  longer  as  the  work  of  some  future 
inspired  savior,  but  as  a  historical  process,  whose 
trend  was  known  and  could  be  controlled  by  the 
conscious  action  of  a  historically  generated  class. 
As  Engels  stated  later  in  his  "  Feuerbach " : 
"  The  realities  of  the  outer  world  impress  them- 
selves upon  the  brain  of  man,  reflect  themselves 
there,  as  feelings,  thoughts,  impulses,  volitions, 
in  short  as  ideal  tendencies,  and  in  this  form 
become  ideal  forces." 

121 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

The  compelling  motive  for  the  ideal  aims  of  the 
proletariat  is  the  class  struggle.  The  evolution 
of  capitalist  production  determines  the  form  and 
trend  of  this  class  struggle.  And  the  slogan  of 
the  revolutionary  proletariat  is  henceforth  no 
longer  "  Lord  help  us !  "  but  "  Proletarians  of  all 
countries,  unite ! " 

In  1848,  it  was  only  a  small  group  of  proleta- 
rians who  responded  to  this  cry.  The  hour  for 
the  realization  of  the  proletarian  revolution  had 
not  yet  come.  This  revolution  flared  up  in  a  few 
fitful  outbreaks,  and  then  settled  down  to  its 
logical  historical  course.  But  a  few  far-seeing 
men  welcomed  the  new  message  with  enthusiasm 
and  devoted  themselves  to  its  propagation  in  the 
spirit  of  its  authors. 

One  of  the  first  to  realize  the  importance  of 
'the  Marxian  theories  was  Ferdinand  Lassalle,  a 
German  lawyer,  who,  significantly  enough,  had 
also  oriented  himself  first  by  a  study  of  the 
Grecian  philosophers.  He  hailed  Marx  as  a 
"  socialist  Ricardo  and  an  economist  Hegel,"  and 
sprang  into  the  political  arena  of  Germany  with 
all  the  impetuousness  of  youth,  to  carry  these 
theories  into  practice  and  realize  the  union  be- 
tween science  and  the  working  class.  His  "  Open 
Letter,"  written  in  reply  to  a  request  for  informa- 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

tion  to  a  group  of  German  workingmen,  led  to 
the  organization,  on  May  23,  1863,  at  Leipsic, 
of  the  "  Allgemeine  Deutsche  Arbeiterverein" 
(General  Association  of  German  Workingmen), 
the  nucleus  of  the  International  Socialist  Party, 
which  is  destined  to  fulfill  the  mission  of  the 
modern  proletariat. 

When  the  first  proletarian  revolts  had  ended  in 
the  supremacy  of  the  capitalist  class,  and  the  his- 
torical course  of  capitalist  development  was  fully 
understood  by  the  proletarian  thinkers,  they  set- 
tled down  to  a  careful  elaboration  of  the  in- 
tellectual weapons  of  the  proletarian  advance. 
The  crowning  outcome  of  these  labors  was  that 
series  of  writings  by  Marx  and  Engels,  which 
became  the  scientific  fundament  of  the  inter- 
national party  of  the  working  class.  The  fore- 
most of  these  works  is  Marx's  "  Capital,"  which 
revolutionized  political  economy  through  his  the- 
ory of  surplus-value,  bridged  the  chasm  between 
economics  and  politics,  gave  an  outline  of  the 
past,  present  and  future  development  of  capitalist 
production,  and  thus  opened  an  impassable  chasm 
between  bourgeois  and  proletarian  science.  Its 
first  volume  appeared  in  July,  1867. 

It  awakened  a  loud  echo  in  the  breast  of  a 
German  tanner,  who  had  found  the  way  out  of 

123 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

the  labyrinth  of  bourgeois  thought  independently 
of  Marx  and  Engels,  by  self-study.  This  man 
was  Josef  Dietzgen,  who  wrote  to  Marx  on  No- 
vember 7,  1867 :  "  You  have  expressed  for  the 
first  time  in  a  clear,  resistless,  scientific  form 
what  will  be  from  now  on  the  conscious  tendency 
of  historical  development,  namely,  to  subordinate 
the  hitherto  blind  forces  of  the  process  of  pro- 
duction to  human  consciousness." 

Dietzgen  was  a  natural  philosopher  in  the  true 
sense  of  the  word.  He  realized  that  the  Marxian 
conception  of  history  stated  a  truth  which,  in  its 
logical  bearing,  extended  far  beyond  the  sphere 
of  mere  social  evolution.  If  the  materialist  con- 
ception of  history  claimed  that  material  conditions 
shape  human  thought,  then  it  was  the  task  of  the 
proletarian  thinker  to  demonstrate,  by  what  means 
material  conditions  were  converted  into  human 
thought.  And  if  this  process  was  a  historical 
evolution,  then  it  devolved  upon  the  proletarian 
thinker  to  show  by  what  processes  the  evolution 
of  the  universe  resulted  in  the  development  of 
the  faculty  of  human  thought  and  how  this  in- 
strument of  understanding  did  its  work. 

Dietzgen,  therefore,  wrote  in  the  above  letter 
to  Marx:  "The  fundament  of  all  science  con- 
sists in  the  understanding  of  the  thinking  process. 

124 


SCIENCE  AND  THE  WORKING  CLASS 

Thinking  means  to  develop  from  the  material 
facts,  from  the  concrete,  an  abstract  generaliza- 
tion. The  material  fact  is  an  indispensable  basis 
of  thought.  It  must  be  present,  before  the 
essence,  the  general,  or  abstract,  can  be  found. 
The  understanding  of  this  fact  contains  the  solu- 
tion of  all  scientific  riddles." 

This  was,  indeed,  the  crucial  point,  without 
which  the  materialist  conception  lacked  complete- 
ness. Without  it,  the  building  of  materialist 
monism  would  have  been  imperfect.  True,  Marx 
and  Engels  were  able  to  show  by  the  data  of 
history  itself  that  material  conditions  have  always 
shaped  human  thought,  which  resulted  in  his- 
torical events.  But  not  until  Dietzgen  had  shown 
that  the  human  mind  itself  was  a  product  of  that 
greater  historical  process,  of  which  human  his- 
tory is  but  a  small  part,  the  cosmic  process,  and 
that  the  human  faculty  of  thought  produced  its 
thoughts  by  means  of  the  natural  environment, 
was  the  historical  materialism  of  Marx  fully  ex- 
plained and  the  riddle  of  the  universe  solved  so 
far  as  human  thought  processes  were  concerned. 

This  was  done  for  the  first  time  in  Dietzgen's 
"  The  Nature  of  Human  Brain  Work,"  published 
in  1869. 

With  this  work,  the  socialist  philosophy  com- 

125 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

pleted  in  bold  outlines  a  consistent  materialist 
monist  conception  of  the  world,  which  was  un- 
compromisingly arrayed  against  all  bourgeois 
philosophy  and  science,  because  it  rested  for  its 
realization  on  the  proletarian  revolution.  And 
the  test  of  its  monism  is  found  in  the  fact  that 
none  of  the  shining  lights  of  bourgeois  philosophy 
and  science,  with  the  exception  of  Alfred  Russell 
Wallace,  has  since  worked  his  way  upward  to  a 
frank  avowal  of  the  historical  connection  of  the 
proletariat  with  such  a  materialist  monist  concep- 
tion of  the  world.  We  shall  presently  see  that 
even  the  clearest  thinkers  of  the  bourgeoisie 
either  denied  or  ignored  this  connection,  or,  if  its 
inevitableness  dawned  upon  them,  that  they  be- 
wailed it  as  auguring  the  destruction  of  all  "  civ- 
ilization." 

But  the  proletarian  thinkers  are  calmly  going 
their  historical  way,  just  as  the  proletarian  revolu- 
tion is  doing.  The  socialist  philosophy,  with  the 
founder  of  scientific  socialism,  can  afford  to  adopt 
the  motto  of  Dante :  "  Segui  il  tuo  corso,  e  lascia 
dir  le  genii" — Follow  your  course,  and  let  the 
people  talk. 


120 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

XV.    THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE  AND  NAT- 
URAL PHILOSOPHY 

Materialist  monism  had  enabled  Marx,  Engels, 
and  Dietzgen  to  find  a  general  key  for  the  solution 
of  all  the  riddles  of  the  universe  by  means  of 
inductive  reasoning  from  experienced  facts.  The 
conscious  and  consistent  application  of  this 
method  on  the  part  of  Marx  and  Engels  permitted 
them  to  realize  the  general  evolution  of  nature 
and  society  by  dialectic  processes,  to  make  a 
scientific  forecast  of  industrial  and  political  evolu- 
tion, and  to  lay  bare  the  mechanism  of  social 
evolution  under  capitalism  by  the  discovery  of 
the  origin  of  surplus-value  and  the  function  of 
class-struggles.  In  the  hands  of  Dietzgen,  the 
same  method  produced  a  theory  of  understand- 
ing which  established  harmony  between  the  hu- 
man mind  and  the  universe  and  solved  all  the 
difficulties,  which  had  been  the  stumbling  blocks 
of  scholastic  and  metaphysical  philosophy  for 
centuries,  and  which  have  remained  insuperable 
obstacles  for  nearly  every  bourgeois  scientist  and 
philosopher  until  this  day. 

The  vital  truth  and  strength  of  dialectic  ma- 
terialism was  quickly  demonstrated  by  the  fact 

127 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

that  this  philosophy  became  the  accepted  guide 
of  millions  of  proletarians  in  all  countries,  who 
organized  themselves  for  conscious  co-operation 
in  line  with  evolution.  The  bourgeois  world, 
ignorant  of  the  historical  necessity  of  this  new 
world-movement  and  its  materialist  monist  phi 
losophy,  continued  its  heedless  and  headlong 
course  of  individualistic  anarchy  in  thought  and 
action.  And  when  the  new  movement  began  to 
show  its  power  and  urge  an  organization  of 
social  life  in  accord  with  higher  evolution,  the 
bourgeoisie  opposed  it  with  might  and  main  as  a 
danger  to  "  law  and  order." 

But  the  bourgeois  scientists  more  or  less  con- 
sciously carried  the  method  of  dialectic  mate- 
rialism gradually  into  almost  every  department  of 
their  science.  In  the  last  half  of  the  I9th 
century,  the  Marxian  method  was  frequently 
plagiarized  by  bourgeois  professors,  especially  in 
the  field  of  sociology,  economics,  and  history,  with 
the  full  knowledge  of  its  original  authorship  and 
with  the  intention  of  robbing  its  author  of  his 
credit.  But  not  one  of  the  bourgeois  plagiarizers 
or  commentators  equaled  the  proletarian  mas- 
ters who  had  made  a  new  departure  in  those 
sciences. 

In  other  sciences,  especially  in  biology,  phys- 

128 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

iology,  psychology,  physics  and  chemistry,  the 
combination  of  the  dialectic  method  with  science 
and  natural  philosophy  led  to  a  universal  cor- 
roboration  of  the  general  conclusions  established 
by  Marx,  Engels,  and  Dietzgen.  In  the  course 
of  the  i Qth  century,  nearly  every  science  gradually 
made  front  against  metaphysical  dualism  and 
worked  its  way  towards  materialist  monism. 
But  while  the  proletarian  mind  pursued  its  steady 
and  conscious  course  along  a  consistent  materialist 
monist  road,  the  bourgeois  mind  never  succeeded 
in  fully  divesting  itself  of  metaphysical  relics. 
Its  class-environment  proved  too  great  a  handicap 
for  a  complete  emancipation  from  all  vestiges  of 
metaphysics. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  igth  century,  the 
microscope  began  to  exert  its  influence  on  phi- 
losophy by  a  succession  of  discoveries,  which  en- 
abled scientists  to  abandon  speculation  for  facts. 
The  beginnings  of  the  cell-theory,  established  by 
Grew  in  his  "  Anatomy  of  Plants,"  and  the  first 
description  of  the  cell-nucleus  by  R.  Brown,  in 
the  i /th  century,  now  bore  unexpected  fruits. 
Schwann  and  Schleiden  showed  that  all  organic 
structures  are  built  up  of  cells,  and  Van  Mohl 
described  a  certain  substance  which  forms  the 
lining  of  cells  and  called  it  protoplasm.  No  one 

129 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

realized  as  yet,  that  the  essential  basis  for  a 
mechanical  explanation  of  life  had  thus  been  dis- 
covered. 

But  the  microscope  gave  rise  to  an  entirely 
new  science,  histology,  the  study  of  the  micro- 
scopical structure  of  animal  and  plant  tissue. 
Specialization  became  more  and  more  an  indis- 
pensable necessity  for  thorough  research,  and  with 
the  multiplication  of  special  departments  the  need 
of  correlation  by  means  of  philosophical  gener- 
alization grew  apace.  Specialist  science  and 
natural  philosophy  thus  became  more  and  more 
indispensable  to  one  another. 

From  the  study  of  structure  to  that  of  function 
was  the  next  logical  step.  Thus  dialectics  in- 
evitably accompanied  the  new  evolution  of  things 
in  science. 

As  soon  as  this  stage  had  been  inaugurated, 
the  battle  against  metaphysics  and  the  survivals  of 
Mosaic  philosophy  in  natural  science  began  to 
rage  all  along  the  line.  Vitalism  was  compelled 
to  reorganize  its  lines,  even  though  no  consistent 
theory  of  vital  evolution  had  then  become  known. 
In  1833,  Johannes  Miiller  attempted  to  give  a 
physical  basis  to  this  metaphysical  theory,  by 
comparing  the  physical  processes  in  animals  and 
man,  in  his  "  Handbook  of  the  Physiology  of 

130 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

Man."  But  this  work  was  indirectly  a  proof  of 
the  untenability  of  the  vitalist  metaphysics.  In 
spite  of  the  dogged  resistance  of  the  old  theories, 
the  cell  and  protoplasm  made  themselves  at  home 
in  the  studies  of  bourgeois  scientists,  and  pro- 
duced in  Virchow's  "  Cellular  Pathology  "  a.  new 
departure  in  the  study  and  treatment  of  diseases. 

This  was  the  time  of  physiological  anatomy, 
and  the  work  of  Miiller,  Briicke,  Helmholtz,  du 
Bois-Reymond,  and  Ludwig  in  Germany,  and  of 
Claude  Bernard  in  France,  became  the  basis  on 
which  their  pupils  in  those  two  countries,  and  in 
England,  America,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Italy  and 
Japan,  built  up  the  structure  of  modern  phys- 
iology. In  the  course  of  this  development,  labo- 
ratories became  a  part  of  every  well-equipped 
school  and  university. 

Chemistry  soon  took  part  in  this  revolution  and 
began  to  reproduce,  by  simple  laboratory  methods, 
many  of  the  compounds  which  had  been  regarded 
as  special  products  of  a  supernatural  vital  energy. 
Berthelot  emphasized  the  growth  of  the  tendency 
toward  a  uniform  scientific  method  of  research 
by  declaring  in  his  "  Mechanique  Chimique,"  that 
he  intended  to  "  introduce  into  the  entire  chem- 
istry the  same  mechanical  principles  which  al- 


131 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

ready  reign  in  the  various  departments  of 
physics." 

In  1846,  Lever rier  and  Adams  simultaneously 
and  independently  of  one  another  discovered  the 
planet  Neptune,  and  thereby  reminded  the  scien- 
tists of  the  vast  universe  outside  of  their  little 
specialties.  This  discovery  was  a  new  triumph 
for  empirical  science  and  another  blow  for  revela- 
tion and  metaphysics.  For  the  existence  of  this 
planet  had  been  proclaimed  by  mathematical 
astronomy  long  before  it  was  actually  observed 
by  human  eyes,  and  reactionary  mysticism  had,  of 
course,  scoffed  at  such  "  daring  blasphemy." 

Researches  concerning  the  function  of  elec- 
tricity, magnetism,  and  light  became  more  fre- 
quent, but  led  to  no  definite  results  until  the  latter 
half  of  the  iQth  century.  In  1864,  Clerk-Max- 
well announced  his  electro-magnetic  theory  of 
light,  but  it  was  not  until  1887,  that  Hertz  dem- 
onstrated the  actual  existence  of  electric  waves  in 
the  ether.  In  1881,  J.  J.  Thompson  established 
the  basis  of  the  electro-dynamic  theory,  and  in 
1888,  William  Crookes  advocated  the  theory  of 
the  formation  of  chemical  elements  from  one  pri- 
mordial substance.  He  spoke  of  an  "  infinite 
number  of  immeasurably  small  ultimate  —  or 
rather  ultimatissimate  —  particles  gradually  ac- 

132 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

creting  out  of  the  formless  mist  and  moving  with 
inconceivable  velocity  in  all  directions."  Thus 
the  1 9th  century  reaffirmed  on  a  more  infinitesimal 
and  refined  scale  the  atomic  theory  of  Demokri- 
tos. 

With  the  steady  progress  of  this  new  tendency, 
Lamarckian  ideas  gained  more  and  more  favor 
in  the  eyes  of  the  younger  generation  of  scien- 
tists and  found  two  able  champions,  about  the 
middle  of  the  I9th  century,  in  Alfred  R.  Wallace 
and  Charles  Darwin.  In  1859,  Darwin's  "  Origin 
of  Species  "  carried  fresh  dismay  into  the  ranks 
of  metaphysics  and  theology.  Here  was  the 
irrefutable  proof  that  Lamarck's  ideas  of  descent 
and  heredity  were  upheld  by  the  facts  of  nature 
as  occurring  before  our  eyes  in  animals  and  plants. 
And  in  addition  to  these  irrefutable  facts,  Dar- 
win laid  bare  the  mechanism  by  which  natural 
evolution  produced  the  various  animal  and  plant 
species,  which  had  so  long  been  claimed  as  special 
creations.  Without  any  guiding  intellect,  with- 
out any  preconceived  purpose,  by  an  apparently 
fortuitous  natural  selection,  which,  however,  was 
the  product  of  forces  mutually  controlling  one 
another,  nature  was  seen  to  produce  its  variety 
of  forms  by  incessant  interaction  of  forces,  by  a 
struggle  of  all  organic  forms  against  one  another 

133 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

and  their  environment,  leading  to  the  survival  of 
those  which  were  best  equipped  for  this  struggle 
by  superior  powers  of  adaptation  to  the  conditions 
surrounding  them.  These  produced  an  offspring 
well  adapted  to  continue  the  struggle  under  the 
same  conditions  and  in  their  turn  to  transmit  their 
qualities  to  their  progeny  by  means  of  heredity, 
while  the  organisms  not  well  adapted  to  their 
conditions  of  life  were  eliminated  from  the  line 
of  evolution. 

One  of  the  most  significant  results  of  this  trans- 
formist  theory  was  that  it  wiped  out  the  line  of 
demarcation,  not  only  between  the  various 
animal  species,  but  also  between  animals  and 
plants.  In  his  first  work,  Darwin  had  left  the 
question  of  man's  descent  open,  from  considera- 
tions of  expediency.  But  when  Wallace,  Huxley, 
Haeckel,  and  others  showed  that  "  in  every  vis- 
ible character,  man  differs  less  from  the  higher 
apes  than  these  do  from  the  lower  members  of 
the  same  order,"  Darwin  assented  and  came  forth 
with  his  "  Descent  of  Man,"  in  which  he  indicated 
the  evolution  of  man  and  the  anthropoid  apes 
from  a  common  man-like  ancestor. 

Simultaneously  with  Wallace  and  Darwin,  Her- 
bert Spencer  appeared  upon  the  scene,  supple- 
menting and  perfecting  their  work  by  a  complete 

134 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

elaboration  of  the  theory  of  organic  evolution 
and  tracing  the  struggle  for  existence  through  all 
its  manifold  aspects.  In  his  "  First  Principles," 
he  stated  the  general  outline  of  the  universal 
theory.  In  his  "  Principles  of  Biology,"  he  ap- 
plied it  to  the  life  of  organisms.  In  his  "  Prin- 
ciples of  Psychology,"  he  furnished  a  compre- 
hensive summary  of  the  results  of  physiological 
psychology.  And  in  his  "  Principles  of  Socio- 
logy," he  presented  the  relations  of  this  theory, 
as  he  understood  it,  to  human  society,  activity, 
and  ideas  in  general.  Although  we  are  far  from 
agreeing  with  Spencer  on  all  points,  as  we  shall 
presently  show,  we  have  no  hesitation  in  saying 
that  Spencer's  works  rank  as  high  in  the  evolu- 
tion of  materialism,  as  Hegel's  do  in  idealism. 
The  "Synthetic  Philosophy  "  will  always  hold  its 
place  among  the  great  works  of  the  world. 

In  Darwin,  Wallace,  and-  Spencer,  dialectic 
materialism  erected  on  English  soil  a  landmark 
of  its  progress  over  speculative  idealism.  Al- 
though the  dogmatism  and  bigotry  of  the  entire 
reactionary  world  united  in  a  furious  assault  upon 
their  work,  not  one  of  their  fundamental  stones 
in  the  structure  of  evolution  was  injured  by  the 
attack.  Metaphysics  and  theology  had  no  weap- 


135 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

ons  with  which  to  defeat  their  materialist  an- 
tagonist in  open  battle. 

Vainly  did  Agassiz  try  to  save  personal  creation 
and  fixed  species  by  his  "  Essay  on  Classification." 
Vainly  did  the  most  reactionary  of  churches  set 
its  learned  men  to  work  forging  arguments 
against  Lamarckian,  Darwinian,  and  Spencerian 
trans formism.  Instead  of  defeating  the  new 
ideas,  even  the  Jesuit  scientists  that  had  not  quite 
degenerated  in  spiritual  obesity  from  lack  of  ex- 
ercise of  their  reason  became  gradually  "  tainted  " 
with  transformist  ideas,  and  finally  the  church 
itself  sanctioned  the  greater  part  of  the  new  ideas 
as  divine  creations  and,  as  usual,  sought  to  ruin 
by  adoption  what  it  could  not  conquer  by  force. 
And  the  palaeontological  work  of  Agassiz  himself 
compelled  him  to  proclaim  the  fact  of  progressive 
changes  in  the  organisms  of  each  successive  geo- 
logical epoch. 

By  tracing  the  descent  of  man  below  the 
primates,  the  question  of  the  evolution  of  man 
was  not  fully  solved.  It  was  merely  stated  in  its 
correct  form,  and  science  could  not  rest  satisfied 
and  regard  the  Darwinian  theories  as  proven, 
until  it  had  located  the  transition  forms  between 
the  common  primeval  ancestor  of  man  and  an- 
thropoid apes  and  then  followed  the  line  of 

136 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

evolution  as  far  back  through  the  lower  animals 
as  human  faculties  would  permit.  It  was 
palaeontology,  embryology,  comparative  physiol- 
ogy, and  histology  that  became  the  most  convinc- 
ing witnesses  for  the  mechanical  origin  and 
development  of  organisms.  In  the  Neanderthal 
man,  the  Spy  man,  the  Krapina  man,  and  the 
Pithecanthropus  of  Trinil,  palaeontology  supplied 
one  by  one  the  missing  links  between  man,  the. 
anthropoid  apes,  and  their  primitive  common  an- 
cestor. At  the  same  time,  it  gathered  the  proofs 
of  the  existence  of  similar  types  in  the  Tertiary 
age.  Haeckel  formulated  his  biogenetic  law, 
which  revealed  the  fact  that  individual  develop- 
ment is  a  condensed  repetition  of  the  race  devel- 
opment, and  that  the  embryos  and  newborn 
individuals  resemble  their  ancestral  types  more 
closely  than  the  adult  parents.  Then  came 
Behring  with  his  discovery  that  blood  serum  of 
horses  treated  with  poison  of  diphtheria  bacilli 
was  an  antidote  and  preventive  of  diphtheria, 
and  Uhlenhuth  found  that  blood  transfusion  fur- 
nished an  infallible  test  for  the  close  or  remote 
relationship  of  animals.  Uhlenhuth,  Wasser- 
mann,  Stern,  Friedenthal,  and  Nuttall  continued 
these  experiments  and  proved  the  blood  relation- 
ship of  man  and  the  anthropoid  apes. 

137 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

In  therapeutics  and  pathology,  similar  experi- 
ments led  to  the  introduction,  by  Koch,  Pasteur, 
and  others,  of  serous  treatment,  and  the  advance 
of  chemistry  supplied  anaesthetics  for  surgical 
operations  and  robbed  pain  of  its  victims. 

Comparative  physiology,  assisted  by  the  bio- 
genetic  law  and  palaeontology,  gradually  traced 
the  evolution  of  man  from  the  common  ancestor 
of  man  and  primates  down  through  some  primi- 
tive species  of  lemurs  (night  monkeys),  thence  on 
through  marsupials,  duckbills,  saurians,  fishes,  to 
ascidians.  Then  Haeckel  advanced  his  gastrula 
theory  and  divided  the  lowest  organisms  into 
unicellular  protozoa  and  protophyta,  and  multi- 
cellular  metazoa  and  metaphyta,  bringing  the, 
descent  of  man  down  to  some  primordial  common 
protist  ancestor  of  animals  and  plants. 

In  Haeckel's  "  New  History  of  Creation  "  and 
Bcelsche's  "  Evolution  of  Man,"  the  whole  thread 
of  evolution  from  the  unicellular  protoplasm  to 
modern  man  is  outlined  so  plainly,  that  we  can 
follow  it  from  natural  specimen  to  natural  speci- 
men and  convince  ourselves  by  a  visit  to  any 
well-equipped  museum  of  natural  history  of  the 
reality  of  this  outline. 

In  the  sixties,  Kirchhoff  and  Bunsen  discov- 
ered spectral  analysis  and  thus  furnished  science 

138 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

with  another  revolutionary  instrument,  by  which 
the  unity  of  the  farthest  fixed  star  with  the  rest 
of  the  universe  was  irrefutably  demonstrated. 
Ethnology,  anthropology,  and  the  comparative 
study  of  languages  clearly  established  the  unity 
of  the  human  race.  Natural  science  dominated 
all  human  thought  and  even  found  its  way  into 
political  history  in  Buckle's  "  History  of  Civiliza- 
tion." 

Once  that  the  unity  of  all  organisms  in  the 
world  had  been  established,  two  questions  im- 
mediately required  an  answer.  One  of  them 
concerned  the  unity  of  psychological  phenomena, 
the  other  that  of  life. 

If  the  physiological  development  of  mankind, 
animals,  and  plants  knows  no  line  of  demarca- 
tion, but  only  degrees  of  organization,  and  if 
psychology  is  in  reality  a  branch  of  physiology, 
why  should  there  be  a  line  of  demarcation  be- 
tween the  psychological  development  of  man, 
animals,  and  plants?  And  if  all  organisms  are 
descended  from  some  common  primordial  proto- 
plasmatic form,  then  the  discovery  of  the  origin 
of  the  vital  processes  of  that  form,  or  of  any 
form,  would  solve  the  question  of  all  organic  life 
in  the  universe. 

The  answer  of  science  to  both  questions  was 

139 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

positive.  Romanes,  Haeckel,  and  Jacques  Loeb 
accumulated  superabundant  proofs  for  the  physi- 
ological nature  of  the  "  soul "  and  the  funda- 
mental unity  of  the  "  soul "  life  of  all  organisms. 
The  line  of  demarcation  was  gradually  wiped 
out  between  mankind,  animals,  and  plants,  also 
in  psychology. 

Romanes,  in  his  "  Mental  Evolution  of  Ani- 
mals and  Man,"  pictured  the  growth  of  the 
"  soul  "  from  primitive  beginnings  to  its  present 
superb  organization  in  the  brain  and  nerve  sys- 
tem of  man.  Haeckel  in  his  "  Soul  Cells  and 
Cell-Souls,"  demonstrated  that  the  fundamental 
conditions  of  "  soul  "  life  were  contained  in  every 
cell,  whether  it  was  a  human,  animal,  or  plant 
cell.  And  Loeb  showed  convincingly  that  so- 
called  intelligent  or  instinctive  action  does  not 
depend  on  a  supernatural,  or  even  natural,  cen- 
ter of  orientation  or  control,  but  on  chemical 
and  physical  interactions  between  the  environ- 
ment and  the  individual.  The  attraction  toward 
the  earth  (geotropism),  toward  the  light  (helio- 
tropism),  toward  solid  bodies  (stereotropism), 
and  similar  movements,  in  connection  with  elec- 
tricity, magnetism,  radiation,  and  chemico-phys- 
ical  changes  in  the  organism,  explained  all  the 
intricate  "  soul "  processes  formerly  attributed 

140 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

to  supernatural  intelligence  or  animal  instinct. 
Hereditary  transmission  by  means  of  simple 
natural  processes  in  connection  with  use  or  dis- 
use, produced  the  faculty  of  conscious  memory  in 
the  higher  organisms  and  led  by  imperceptible 
stages  of  gradation  to  the  superior  mind  of  man. 
The  primitive  line  of  psychic  development  has 
been  outlined  in  popular  language  in  France's 
"  Germs  of  Mind  in  Plants." 

The  quest  after  the  origin  of  life  compelled 
science  to  penetrate  far  beyond  so-called  living 
organisms.  It  led  on  into  the  inorganic,  and 
wiped  out  the  line  of  demarcation  between  or- 
ganic and  inorganic,  living  and  dead  matter.  It 
showed  that  organic  life  arose  through  the  me- 
chanical evolution  of  inorganic  life.  It  revealed 
that  life  and  death  are  but  two  poles  of  the 
same  universe,  that  the  distinction  can  no  longer 
be  between  life  and  death,  but  only  between  dif- 
ferent degrees  of  organization  and  intensity  of 
life,  between  positive  and  negative  life. 

Personal  immortality  now  resolves  itself  into 
personal  evolution.  Life  and  consciousness  are 
now  revealed  as  attributes  of  all  matter,  going 
through  as  many  different  stages  of  evolution  as 
the  various  material  forms  in  the  universe.  The 
personal  immortality  of  any  definite  form  would 

141 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

involve  the  control  of  all  evolutionary  processes 
which  endanger  the  persistence  of  that  form. 
So  long  as  such  a  control  is  not  established, 
there  is  a  "  transmigration  of  the  soul,"  but  not 
in  the  way  that  the  mystics  use  this  term.  The 
physiological  processes  of  a  certain  positive  con- 
sciousness, or  "  soul,"  are  converted  by  the  proc- 
ess of  "  death,"  into  negative  consciousness, 
which  in  turn  becomes  the  positive  consciousness 
of  some  other  form. 

With  Haeckel  and  Jacques  Loeb,  a  school  of 
biologists  has  arisen,  which  marks  a  new  stage 
in  the  revolution  of  the  ideas  concerning  life 
and  consciousness.  This  school  has  made  the 
first  steps  toward  a  conscious  control  of  the 
processes  of  life  and  consciousness,  and  the  ques- 
tion of  the  control  of  these  processes  is  within 
measurable  distance  of  solution  by  means  of 
laboratory  methods.  Loeb's  works  on  tropisms 
and  his  "  Comparative  Physiology  of  the  Brain 
and  Comparative  Psychology  "  are  indispensable 
textbooks  for  every  sincere  student  of  materialist 
monism. 

Other  sciences  have  likewise  gone  far  on  the 
road  toward  a  conscious  control  of  universal 
processes.  Liebig's  commercial  chemistry  inaug- 
urated the  realization  of  Berthelot's  dream, 

142 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

who  looked  forward  to  a  time  when  all  human 
food  stuffs  would  be  prepared  in  the  laboratory 
and  the  drudgery  of  industrial  and  agricultural 
labor  eliminated.  A  new  impetus  was  given  to 
electric  vacuum  work  in  1893-95  by  *ne  publica- 
tion in  Germany  of  the  results  of  experiments 
made  by  Lenard  and  Rontgen,  showing  that  cer- 
tain rays  of  light,  invisible  to  the  human  eye, 
penetrated  substances,  which  had  been  considered 
impenetrable  for  light  of  any  kind,  and  affected 
photographic  plates.  And  in  1896,  Becquerel, 
experimenting  in  France  with  phenomena  of 
phosphorescence,  showed  that  salts  of  uranium 
emit  radiations  which  penetrate  opaque  bodies, 
affect  photographic  plates,  and  discharge  an  elec- 
trometer. Following  close  upon  Becquerel's  dis- 
coveries came  the  brilliant  work  of  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Curie  on  the  radio-activity  of  bodies  accompany- 
ing uranium  (radium  and  helium). 

Edison's  phonograph,  Marconi's  and  Tesla's 
experiments  with  wireless  telegraphy,  liquid  air, 
the  transmission  of  power  by  means  of  water- 
falls or  tides  of  the  oceans,  sun-motors,  airships, 
color-photography,  the  ultra-microscope,  and  sim- 
ilar discoveries  and  inventions,  augur  an 
impending  revolution  in  methods  of  industrial 
activity,  reducing  the  element  of  distance  to  a 

143 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

minimum,  transforming  manual  labor  into  a  su- 
perintendence of  machines,  and  narrowing  the 
domain  of  disease  and  death.  Everywhere  we 
see  the  coming  of  that  conscious  control  of  ele- 
ments which  Marx  has  foretold. 

But  here,  where  natural  science  touches  elbows 
with  social  science,  even  the  clearest  of  the  bour- 
geois thinkers  bears  evidence  to  the  force  of 
environment  by  falling  short  of  a  complete  mo- 
nistic conception  of  evolution.  For  such  a  con- 
ception foreshadows  the  abolition  of  the  ruling 
classes  and  the  control  of  society  by  the  working 
class.  Even  the  most  encyclopedic  mind  among 
the  bourgeois  transformists,  the  avatar  of  evolu- 
tion, as  he  has  been  called,  Herbert  Spencer, 
admitted  but  grudgingly  that  the  evolution  of 
society  tended  inevitably  toward  socialism.  And 
so  enveloped  was  he  in  the  prejudices  of  bour- 
geois individualism,  in  spite  of  his  understanding 
of  the  trend  toward  socialization,  in  spite  of  the 
eloquent  language  of  dialectic  evolution  which 
through  his  own  mouth  heralded  the  conscious 
interrelation  of  things,  that  he  completely  mis- 
apprehended the  effects  of  the  socialization  and 
democratization  of  industry  and  bemoaned  the 
sad  fate  of  humanity  under  the  "  coming  slavery." 
In  ethics,  his  bourgeois  horizon  likewise  did  not 

144 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

permit  him  to  arrive  at  a  dialectic  solution.  He 
could  not  reconcile  his  biological  and  social  ethics 
with  his  idea  of  the  coming  slavery. 

The  same  criticism  applies  to  Haeckel,  who  in 
many  respects  equals  Spencer' in  his  conception 
of  evolution.  Haeckel's  monism  is  not  free  from 
class  bias  and  metaphysical  vestiges.  He  inter- 
preted the  struggle  for  existence  with  regard  to 
man  as  an  aristocratic  principle,  resulting  in  the 
selection  of  "the  best,"  and  declared  that  the 
"  crazy  ideas  "  of  the  socialists  had  nothing  to 
do  with  Darwinism.  Forty  years  of  socialist  lit- 
erature and  activity  in  Germany  have  made  little 
change  in  his  opinions  on  this  point.  He  has 
never  realized  that  the  struggle  of  man  against 
nature  is  accompanied  by  the  struggle  of  eco- 
nomic classes,  and  that  the  modern  class-struggle 
between  the  working  class  and  the  capitalist  class 
is  a  democratic  principle,  resulting  in  the  cr  -uri- 
zation  of  a  new  social  environment,  in  \v1 
struggle  of  classes  shall  be  eliminated,  and  man 
unite  all  his  social  and  individual  forces  for  the 
struggle  against  nature.  In  his  ethics  he  is  as 
vague  as  Spencer,  unab1e  to  reconcile  his  bin 
ical  understanding  of  the  physical  bisi?  ' 
with  his  views  on  sociology. 

The  logical  result  of  this  class  bias   is  that 

145 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  Haeckel  and 
others  to  establish  a  perfect  monism,  they  are 
unable  to  escape  from  the  contradictions  inherent 
in  the  historical  myopia  of  the  bourgeoisie. 
Haeckel's  works  on  monism,  such  as  the  "  Riddle 
of  the  Universe,"  "  Monism,"  or  "  The  Wonders 
of  Life,"  are  sadly  disfigured  by  sudden  relapses 
into  metaphysical  language  and  thought  The 
same  incongruities  also  vitiate  the  scientific  dis- 
cussions of  bourgeois  Darwinians,  whenever  the 
subject  calls  for  an  understanding  of  the  dialectic 
nature  of  evolution,  more  especially  for  an  un- 
derstanding of  the  peculiar  nature  of  the  human 
faculty  of  thought.  The  discussion  of  the  con- 
tinuity of  the  germ  plasm  and  the  transmission  of 
hereditary  characters  by  natural  selection  through 
the  sole  agency  of  this  plasm  in  multicellular 
organisms,  as  advocated  by  Weismann,  or  of  the 
mutation  theory  of  De  Vries,  who  tries  to  ex- 
plain the  sudden  appearance  of  new  varieties  by 
the  peculiar  laws  of  crossing,  would  have  pro- 
duced far  better  results,  if  the  bourgeois  scientists 
could  have  agreed  on  a  consistent  understanding 
of  "  natural  selection,"  and  if  they  could  have 
risen  sufficiently  above  their  environment  to 
grasp  the  full  significance  of  materialist  monism 
as  revealed  by  Dietzgen's  theory  of  understand- 

146 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

ing.  As  it  is,  they  onesidedly  emphasize  now 
this,  now  that,  forgetting  the  wider  interrelations 
of  their  subject,  and  this  little  shortcoming  de- 
feats all  their  efforts  to  disentangle  themselves 
from  the  difficulties  of  their  semi-metaphysical 
mode  of  reasoning.  The  tangle  in  the  details 
of  Darwinism  and  Spencerianism  will  not  be 
straightened  out,  until  a  socialist  Darwinian  will 
bring  order  out  of  this  chaos,  as  Marx  did  out 
of  bourgeois  political  economy. 

This  bourgeois  handicap  becomes  especially  ap- 
parent, whenever  the  practical  application  of 
scientific  understanding  comes  into  conflict  with 
the  business  organization  of  bourgeois  society.  A 
drastic  illustration  of  this  fact  is  furnished  by 
the  attempt  to  reform  the  department  of  crimi- 
nology and  introduce  evolutionary  methods  into 
the  treatment  of  the  insane.  When  the  revolution 
in  psychology  demanded  a  revision  of  the  ideas 
concerning  the  free  will  and  personal  responsi- 
bility of  criminals,  the  bourgeois  criminologists 
made  vain  efforts  to  bring  their  criminal  codes 
into  accord  with  the  new  facts  without  under- 
mining their  own  juridical  foundation.  This  be- 
came especially  plain  in  Italy,  where  the  ideas  of 
Beccaria  acted  as  a  ferment  and  led  to  the  rise 
of  the  so-called  positive  school  of  criminology, 

147 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

in  the  last  quarter  of  the  iQth  century.  Carrara, 
Pessina,  and  even  Lombroso,  strove  vainly  to 
overcome  bourgeois  environment  by  radical  bour- 
geois criminology.  They  did  not  get  farther 
away  from  medieval  methods  and  mass  em- 
prisonment  than  an  imitation  of  the  American 
system  of  solitary  confinement  would  permit,  with 
its  corollary  of  sham  justice.  And  they  gave  up 
in  despair  the  attempt  to  find  the  dividing  line 
between  conscious  and  unconscious  action,  be- 
tween completed  and  incompleted  crime.  It  was 
not  until  Lombroso's  disciple,  Enrico  Ferri, 
found  his  way  into  the  field  of  historical  ma- 
terialism and  socialism,  that  the  positive  school 
of  criminology  was  enabled  to  teach  a  monistic 
and  evolutionary  solution  for  the  vexed  question 
of  social  crime,  by  demanding  the  social  preven- 
tion of  crime  instead  of  police  repression.  But 
Ferri  does  not  indulge  in  any  illusions  as  to  the 
revolutionary  role  which  the  bourgeoisie  may 
play  in  this  question.  He  understands  that  the 
evolution  into  socialism  is  the  only  means  of  real- 
izing his  demand.  His  "  Socialism  and  Crim- 
inality "  and  "  Socialism  and  Modern  Science  " 
are  gems  of  dialectic  and  monistic  materialism. 

It  is  a  significant  fact  that  not  one  of  the 
numerous  textbooks  on  psychology  written  by 

148 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

bourgeois  professors  for  the  use  of  universities 
takes  frankly  issue  with  the  metaphysical  rubbish 
of  pseudo-science  and  espouses  uncompromis- 
ingly the  cause  of  materialist  monism.  And  this 
is  so  for  the  same  reason  that  no  bourgeois  pro- 
fessor teaches  the  Marxian  theory  of  surplus- 
value  and  accepts  its  logical  conclusions.  The 
same  reason  prevents  bourgeois  Darwinians  from 
accepting  the  facts  of  socialism.  Darwin  was 
at  least  honest  enough  to  admit  that  he  had  not 
studied  sociology  and  did  not  consider  himself 
competent  to  judge  of  the  merits  of  Marx's 
"  Capital."  But  the  modern  Darwinians  are  not 
so  modest.  They  ridicule  the  socialist  philosophy 
before  they  have  studied  it.  On  the  other  hand, 
every  socialist  writer  of  note  is  a  convinced 
Darwinian  and  Spencerian  besides  being  a  con- 
vinced Marxian.  For  this  reason,  the  socialist 
Darwinians  are  alone  able  to  reason  in  a  con- 
sistent materialist  monist  way. 

When,  in  1877,  Lewis  H.  Morgan  appeared 
with  his  main  work,  "  Ancient  Society,"  in  which 
he  demonstrated  the  blindness  of  his  predeces- 
sors, Bachofen  and  McLennan,  in  the  field  of 
anthropology  and  disclosed  the  true  nature  of 
the  primitive  sexual  organizations,  it  was  the 
socialist  Engels  who  rescued  Morgan's  work 

149 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

from  oblivion  and  applied  the  new  discoveries  of 
Morgan  concerning  these  primitive  "  gentes " 
with  telling  effect  to  further  historical  research. 
In  Engels'  "  The  Origin  of  the  Family,  Private 
Property,  and  the  State,"  the  connection  between 
the  dissolution  of  the  primitive  sex-organizations 
and  the  rise  of  private  ownership  of  the  essential 
means  of  production  was  laid  bare,  and  the  origin 
of  the  modern  state  as  a  result  of  this  process 
clearly  proven.  And  the  socialist  Cunow,  in  his 
"  Sex-Organizations  of  Australian  Aborigines," 
supplemented  and  perfected  Morgan's  work  by 
additional  studies. 

Again,  when  bourgeois  female  emancipation 
started  its  planless  crusade  and  hoped  for  the 
support  of  the  equally  planless  bourgeois  science, 
it  was  the  socialist  Bebel,  who  in  his  "  Women 
in  the  Past,  Present,  and  Future,"  demonstrated 
the  weakness  of  bourgeois  science  and  reminded 
bourgeois  women  that  female  emancipation  was 
a  process  of  evolution  and  could  be  accomplished 
only  through  the  proletarian  class-struggle. 

And  finally,  when  the  bourgeois  psychologists 
kept  turning  around  their  own  axis  in  the  vain 
endeavor  to  find  a  monistic  formulation  for  the 
new  psychological  facts,  it  was  the  socialist  En- 
gels,  who  in  his  "  Anti-Diihring "  showed  that 

150 


THE  OFFSPRING  OF  SCIENCE 

the  dialectic  process  pervaded  society  and  nature, 
and  the  socialist  Josef  Dietzgen,  who  in  his 
'  Outcome  of  Philosophy "  perfected  his  mate- 
rialist monism  by  demonstrating  that  the  universe 
is  an  organism  and  the  infinite  cause  and  effect 
of  everything,  including  itself  and  the  human 
faculty  of  thought,  or  "  soul." 

But  bourgeois  minds  will  as  soon  accept  the 
socialist  philosophy  as  a  camel  will  go  through 
a  needle's  eye,  or  a  rich  man  go  to  jail.  So  the 
bourgeois  science  gropes  along  as  best  it  may 
in  its  half-hearted  monism  which  is  not  monism, 
continues  the  fruitless  discussion  of  semi-meta- 
physical functions,  forces,  or  faculties,  and  leaves 
much  room  for  the  speculations  of  pseudo-scien- 
tific occultism.  With  functions,  forces,  and  fac- 
ulties, all  manner  of  miracles  are  performed  by 
spiritualists,  mental  scientists,  theosophists,  and 
other  votaries  of  the  mystic.  But  what  do  these 
terms  signify?  What  is,  for  instance,  the  faculty 
(function,  force)  of  thought? 

Labor  is  a  function  of  labor-power.  Labor- 
power  is  the  latent  (potential)  energy  of  the 
human  body,  and  it  performs  its  function  by 
converting  this  potential  energy  into  kinetic  en- 
ergy, or  motion.  Quite  analogically,  thinking  is 
a  function  of  the  faculty  of  thought.  This  fac- 

151 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

ulty  is  the  labor-power  of  the  human  brain,  the 
latent  energy  of  the  protoplasmatic  system  of  the 
human  body.  The  brain  performs  its  function 
by  converting  its  latent  energy  into  motion,  or 
thought,  in  response  to  all  the  stimuli  sent  to  it 
by  way  of  the  protoplasmatic  system.  This  func- 
tion is  a  labyrinth  of  objective  reactions  and 
subjective  counter-reactions.  It  is  all  this  as  a 
part  of  the  entire  natural  universe,  and  it  is 
nothing  else.  The  difference  between  conscious 
and  unconscious,  or  subconscious,  thought  is 
purely  one  of  the  intensity  of  stimuli  and  reac- 
tion. And  when  physio-chemical  biology  will 
have  analyzed  this  labyrinth  of  processes,  traced 
its  fundamental  reactions  in  the  laboratory,  and 
connected  them  with  the  final  source  of  all,  the 
universe,  man  will  know  all  that  his  faculty  of 
thought  can  find  out  about  itself  and  other  rid- 
dles of  the  universe. 

This  conception  of  the  universe  and  of  the 
human  soul  is  diametrically  opposed  to  meta- 
physical and  theological  dualism.  Truly  does 
Haeckel  cry  out :  "  An  honest  and  objective  ob- 
servation of  these  obvious  antagonisms  makes 
their  reconciliation  impossible.  Either  an  under- 
standing of  nature  and  experience,  or  the  fables 
of  belief  and  revelation !  " 

152 


-   A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

But  a  scientific  theory  of  understanding  in- 
cludes the  recognition  of  the  socialist  philosophy. 
And  the  only  element  which  is  consciously  striv- 
ing for  the  realization  of  this  philosophy  is  the 
class-conscious  proletariat  of  the  world. 


XVI.    A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION  * 

With  the  establishment  of  the  facts  of  uni- 
versal evolution,  bourgeois  science  had  accom- 
plished something  which  did  not  only  far  surpass 
the  narrow  demands  of  business  interests,  but 
which  also  became  a  serious  annoyance  and 
danger  to  the  ruling  classes.  True,  most  of  the 
bourgeois  scientists  vehemently  denied  that  social 
evolution  partook  of  those  tendencies  of  universal 
evolution  which  were  claimed  for  it  by  prole- 
tarian thinkers.  It  is  continually  denied  to  this 
day  that  the  results  of  modern  science  are  op- 
posed to  theological  religion  and  class  rule.  But 
the  facts  acknowledged  by  the  bourgeois  scien- 
tists as  irrefutable  were  sufficiently  revolutionary 
to  call  forth  violent  protests  from  bourgeois  and 
feudal  politicians,  and  to  set  theological  philos- 
ophers at  work  writing  long-winded  treatises  try- 

153 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

ing  to  reconcile  science  and  dogmatic  revelation. 

These  ostentatiously  legitimate  protests  were 
at  once  re-enforced  by  a  flood  of  personal  abuse 
and  rancorous  vilification,  an  art  in  which  es- 
pecially the  theological  harbingers  of  love  and 
peace  have  shown  themselves  as  adepts.  Men 
like  Darwin,  Haeckel,  Loeb,  found  out  what  sort 
of  a  highly  refined  intellectuality  the  intimate  ac- 
quaintance with  theology  or  bourgeois  culture 
produced  in  their  adversaries.  One  has  only  to 
turn  over  a  few  leaves  of  some  of  the  so-called 
refutations  of  Haeckel's  works,  written  by  Jesuit 
and  other  confessional  "  scientists,"  in  order  to 
get  as  pretty  a  collection  of  low  billingsgate  as 
may  be  found  anywhere  in  the  vernacular  of  that 
other  product  of  bourgeois  rule,  the  city  slums. 

Bourgeois  science  is  thus  perpetually  at  war 
with  bourgeois  intelligence,  and  university  pro- 
fessors have  learned  to  their  bitter  disappoint- 
ment that  freedom  of  science  is  little  respected 
when  it  runs  counter  to  freedom  of  trade.  It  is 
no  wonder  that  many  a  bourgeois  scientist,  shirk- 
ing the  ordeal  of  want  in  old  age,  has  revoked 
the  scientific  convictions  of  a  lifetime  and  pros- 
tituted his  better  self  for  the  flesh  pots  of  bour- 
geois Egypt. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  proletariat  can- 

154 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

not  place  any  reliance  on  bourgeois  science.  It 
must  and  will  maintain  a  critical  attitude  toward 
all  bourgeois  science,  and  accept  nothing  that 
does  not  stand  the  test  of  proletarian  standards. 

So  far  as  bourgeois  science  coincides  with  the 
findings  of  proletarian  science,  we  shall  gladly 
accept  and  foster  every  truth,  and  we  shall  do 
it  so  much  more  gladly,  when  that  truth  is  re- 
jected by  bourgeois  self-interest  and  combatted 
for  reactionary  purposes.  But  we  shall  on  our 
part  reject  everything  which  tends  to  strengthen 
the  ruling  class,  endanger  the  progress  of  the 
proletarian  revolution,  or  interfere  with  the  ad- 
vance of  human  knowledge  and  control  of 
natural  forces  in  general.  Bourgeois  science,  so 
far  as  it  exceeds  the  demands  of  bourgeois  so- 
ciety, is  a  waif  abandoned  by  its  own  mother,  and 
will  be  gladly  adopted  and  nursed  to  vigorous 
life  by  proletarian  science. 

It  is  natural  that  with  the  growth  of  the 
socialist  movement  much  reactionary  bourgeois 
thought  is  carried  into  it  by  newcomers  from 
the  bourgeois  intellectual  camp.  This  thought 
at  once  takes  issue  with  the  advanced  proletarian 
mind  and,  with  the  modesty  typical  of  the  bour- 
geoisie, proceeds  to  instruct  the  proletarian 
thinker  and  pull  him  back  from  his  outpost.  Un- 

166 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

compromising  and  frank  discussion  is  the  only 
method  used  in  return  by  socialists  the  world 
over  in  their  endeavor  to  ascertain  the  truth  and 
keep  their  movement  in  line  with  natural  evolu- 
tion. We  welcome  such  discussion  and  neither 
expect  nor  give  any  quarter. 

The  materialist  part  of  the  socialist  philosophy 
meets  with  strong  disapproval  from  two  camps 
within  its  ranks.  Neither  of  them  is  numerically 
very  strong  at  present,  but  they  may  become  so 
when  larger  bodies  of  the  intellectual  middle  class 
will  ally  themselves  with  the  revolutionary  prole- 
tariat. One  of  these  camps  favors  speculative 
metaphysics,  the  other  Christian  socialism.  Both 
of  them  object  to  the  consistent  application  of  the 
materialist  conception  of  history  and  the  universe 
on  the  part  of  the  strict  Marxian  school. 

They  urge  against  materialist  monism  that 
their  ethics  are  superior  to  or  identical  with  those 
of  socialism,  and  out  of  this  alleged  superiority 
or  identity  they  construct  an  argument  in  favor 
of  speculative  idealism  or  theological  religion. 

That  ethics  do  not  rest  on  idealism  or  religion 
has  been  proven  by  thousands  of  years  of  human 
history.  We  do  not  base  our  ethics  on  our  phi- 
losophy, nor  our  philosophy  on  our  ethics,  but 
regard  both  ethics  and  philosophy  as  results  of 

156 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

material  environment,  as  we  have  sufficiently 
shown  in  the  preceding  pages.  Therefore  we 
first  of  all  object  to  this  confusion  of  the  issue. 

In  the  second  place,  we  demand  that  both 
speculative  philosophy  and  theological  religion 
shall  stand  or  fall  on  their  merits,  just  as  ma- 
terialist monism  is  expected  to  do. 

The  science  of  the  2Oth  century  has  grown 
tired  of  operating  with  half-defined  terms  and 
hypotheses.  These  are  more  and  more  discarded 
for  the  study  of  movements.  The  discussion  of 
mere  terms  and  definitions  has  developed  into  an 
effort  to  arrive  at  a  clear  understanding  of  proc- 
esses for  the  purpose  of  controlling  them. 
Vainly  do  the  obsolete  methods  of  research  and 
dogma  attempt  to  adjust  themselves  to  the  new 
conditions. 

Vitalism  dreams  of  saving  itself  by  becoming 
Neo- Vitalism,  Idealism  has  donned  the  robes  of 
Neo-Kantianism,  both  of  them  trying  to  play 
Hamlet  with  Hamlet  left  out.  Metaphysics  is 
becoming  a  mere  metaphor  for  a  vague  agnosti- 
cism. Even  theological  religion  is  making  a  des- 
perate effort  to  escape  the  inevitable  by  masque- 
rading as  "true"  religion. 

But    their    powers    of    adaptation    are    gone. 


157 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

They  are  strangers  to  dialectic  reasoning,  and 
the  old  style  of  argument  no  longer  holds. 

But  their  champions  fail  to  realize  this.  Argu- 
ments that  have  been  chewed  ad  nauseam  for 
fifteen  centuries  are  still  supposed  to  satisfy  a 
mind  acquainted  with  the  weightiest  facts  against 
them. 

Mosaic  revelation  had  adjusted  itself  as  best 
it  could  to  its  earlier  defeats.  When  the  travel- 
ers and  navigators  demonstrated  to  every 
unbiased  brain's  satisfaction  that  orthodoxy's  in- 
spired men  were  ignorant  of  geography,  the 
advocates  of  the  theological  creation  theories 
mumbled  confused  excuses  about  the  "  divine 
intention  "  to  limit  human  understanding,  until  it 
should  please  God  to  grant  us  more  wisdom. 
When  it  was  shown  by  the  astronomers,  that 
revelation  had  been  mistaken  in  considering  the 
earth  as  the  center  of  the  universe  and  the  sun 
as  a  terrestrial  satellite,  the  same  stale  excuse 
was  haled  forth,  after  the  most  vindictive  and 
narrow-minded  opposition  had  proven  ineffective 
against  the  new  facts.  Then  the  theologians 
readjusted  their  revelation  to  suit  this  advance 
of  the  human  mind,  made  in  the  face  of  their 
resistance.  When  science  began  to  establish  the 
fact  of  the  mechanical  origin  of  the  universe,  and 

158 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

threw  the  theological  creator  out  of  his  own 
creation,  it  seemed  that  the  Mosaic  conception 
of  the  universe  had  reached  the  limits  of  its 
adaptation.  But  Kant,  who  had  been  most  in- 
strumental in  defeating  it,  did  his  best  to  save 
it,  and  theology  grasped  eagerly  at  the  Kantian 
straws.  Then  Lamarck  and  Darwin  came  along 
and  demonstrated  that  species  were  not  individ- 
ual creations,  but  forms  of  evolution.  Ortho- 
doxy first  had  the  same  stereotyped  answer  ready 
and  then  transformed  the  Mosaic  god  into  a  god 
of  modern  evolution.  Then  it  was  found  that 
life  itself  was  a  product  of  cosmic  evolution. 
There  was  no  other  refuge  left  for  the  theological 
creator  but  man's  supposed  supernatural  "  soul." 
This,  at  least,  theology  said,  was  a  creation  of 
God.  But  Haeckel,  Dietzgen,  and  Loeb  have 
swept  the  last  theological  cobwebs  out  of  this 
hiding  place  by  identifying  the  human  soul  with 
the  evolutionary  processes  of  the  material  uni- 
verse. 

Nevertheless,  orthodoxy  in  the  disguise  of 
metaphysics  and  "  true "  religion,  continues  to 
dodge  around  in  the  old  way,  to  rest  on  its 
unproven  assertions  as  though  they  had  been 
established  by  the  most  painstaking  and  irrefut- 
able work  of  science,  to  sneer  at  the  results 

159 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

of  the  scientific  accumulation  of  facts  which  every 
one  can  verify  without  the  help  of  any  authority, 
and  to  raise  the  cry  of  sacrilege  at  every  attempt 
to  criticise  without  bias  and  without  malevolent 
intent  the  tenets  of  the  believers  in  mystic  creeds. 

But  the  time  has  come  when  this  method  is 
resented  as  an  insult  to  intelligence  and  man- 
hood. Orthodoxy  must  submit  to  the  same  criti- 
cisms which  all  other  things  in  the  universe  must 
sustain.  More  still,  it  must  henceforth  bring 
better  proofs  than  bare  assertions,  if  it  would 
survive.  The  cry  that  we  are  "  attacking  re- 
ligion "  when  we  are  simply  investigating  its 
claims,  will  no  longer  avail.  And  it  is  time  to 
hurl  the  accusation  back  at  those  who  hide  behind 
it  and  who  have  always  been  the  first  to  attack 
the  most  objective  and  mild  criticism  with  a  flood 
of  abuse  and  misrepresentation. 

Unless  the  metaphysical  idealists  bring  better 
proofs  than  heretofore  in  justification  of  their 
insistent  claims  that  the  proletariat  must  "  go 
back  to  Kant "  for  more  knowledge,  we  shall 
decline  the  invitation  and  ask :  "  What  is  there 
in  Kant  to  go  back  for  ?  "  Dietzgen  went  back 
to  Kant,  but  only  to  show  the  absurdity  of  the 
mystic  conception  of  the  "  thing  itself "  and  to 
excel  Hegel  in  this  respect  by  stating  the  ques- 

160 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

tion  correctly  and  solving  it.  Laplace  excelled 
Kant  in  a  consistent  loyalty  to  scientific  princi- 
ples in  cosmogeny.  Hegel  surpassed  him  in  his- 
torical perception  and  comprehensive  grasp  of 
evolution.  Marx  and  Engels  eclipsed  Hegel  in 
dialectics,  setting  up  a  new  standard  for  the  study 
of  history.  And  Dietzgen  rounded  out  the  work 
of  Marx  and  Engels  by  a  consistent  monist  con- 
ception of  the  universe.  What  else  is  there  in 
Kant  that  has  not  been  outdone? 

"  His  ethics,"  cry  the  Neo-Kantians,  "  his  sub- 
lime ethics !  "  Let  us  see.  In  the  "  Neue  Zeit," 
XXII,  vol.  I,  No.  20,  Franz  Mehring  writes  that 
the  sublimity  of  Kant's  ethics  "  is  of  the  kind 
which  constitutes  a  step  toward  the  ridiculous. 
Nowhere  is  Kant  so  pronounced  a  philistine  as  in 
his  ethics,  and  at  that  a  philistine  in  whose  veins 
all  the  bad  blood  of  theology  is  circulating.  His 
ethics  with  its  categorical  imperative  is  nothing 
but  the  Mosaic  decalogue,  and  his  doctrine  of  the 
radical  evil  of  human  nature  nothing  but  the 
dogma  of  inherited  sin.  So  far  from  having 
assisted  in  the  baptism  of  the  New  Testament, 
Kant's  ethics  simply  harked  back  to  the  Old 
Testament.  Goethe,  who  indeed  looked  with 
sceptical  eyes  upon  Kantian  dualism,  expressed 
the  opinion  that  Kant  had  miserably  soiled  his 

161 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

clean  philosopher's  clothes  by  his  doctrine  of  the 
'  radical  evil/  and  even  Schiller,  the  enthusiastic 
Kantian,  ridiculed  the  genuine  philistine  spleen, 
according  to  which  not  he  was  acting  virtuously, 
who  from  motives  of  compassion  assisted  his 
fellow-beings  —  because  he  was  only  following 
his  own  impulse  —  but  rather,  e.  g.,  a  miser  who 
at  the  'dictation  of  the  categorical  imperative  very 
reluctantly  offers  charity.  .  .  .  Even  Scho- 
penhauer, who  proclaimed  himself  as  the  genuine 
and  true  heir  to  Kant's  throne  —  and  justly  so  in 
many  respects  —  rebelled  against  Kant's  ethics. 
On  Kant's  rule,  '  The  sentiment  which  commands 
man  to  obey  the  moral  law  is  that  it  should  be 
obeyed  as  a  duty,  not  from  voluntary  choice  or 
without  being  ordered,'  Schopenhauer  comment- 
ed with  the  fitting  remark,  '  it  must  be  ordered. 
What  slave  morals ! '  And  these  slave  morals 
are  to  be  grafted  into  the  proletarian  fight  for 
emancipation ! " 

Of  course  there  is  a  germ  of  truth  even  in 
this  Kantian  idea  of  doing  that  which  requires 
individual  self-compulsion.  The  individual  must 
adapt  himself  to  his  environment,  on  penalty  of 
being  eliminated  from  the  line  of  forward  evolu- 
tion by  natural  selection.  An  understanding  of 
the  facts  of  evolution  serves,  therefore,  as  a 

162 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

categorical  imperative  for  the  individual  to  con- 
trol reactionary  impulses  and  keep  his  acts  in 
line  with  the  social  evolution  of  his  class  and 
the  cosmic  evolution  of  his  race.  Whoever  acts 
in  accord  with  these,  acts  virtuously.  This  is 
a  universal  standard  easily  intelligible  to  every 
one,  for  a  moderate  observation  of  our  bodily 
and  mental  condition  will  quickly  reveal,  whether 
we  are  acting  against  our  physical  and  intellec- 
tual evolution,  and  the  class-struggle  continually 
reminds  us  of  the  right  course  of  our  class,  which 
leads  to  the  reconciliation  of  our  class  interests 
with  the  general  evolution  of  humanity  as  a 
whole.  But  the  first  requirement  for  such  an 
understanding  is  the  rebellion  against  metaphys- 
ical dualism.  It  is  a  complete  breach  with  Kant's 
philosophy,  not  a  return  to  it. 

There  is  little  consolation  for  our  Neo-Kantian 
exhorters  in  this  reply,  but  it  is  the  truth.  Kant 
accomplished  enough  for  the  historical  conditions 
of  his  time,  and  his  work  in  cosmogeny  will  be 
an  everlasting  credit  to  his  name.  But  when  we 
are  told  that  the  modern  proletariat  must  go  back 
to  him  for  its  philosophy,  we  smile  as  we  would 
if  we  were  told  that  the  butterfly  must  go  back 
into  its  chrysalis. 

So  far  as  ethics  are  concerned,  this  answer 

163 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

fits  also  the  Christian  socialist  objectors  to  ma- 
terialist monism.  To  any  one  versed  in  the 
dialectic  mode  of  reasoning  it  would  also  be  a 
sufficient  refutation  of  the  claims  of  Christian 
theology  on  the  proletarian  revolution.  But  dia- 
lectic logic  is  not  one  of  the  virtues  of  Christian 
socialists,  and  especially  in  the  United  States  they 
are  conspicuous  by  their  lack  of  positive  scientific 
knowledge  and  their  abundance  of  "  divine  wis- 
dom." It  will  therefore  be  necessary  to  devote 
a  little  more  thought  to  them. 

Among  some  Christian  socialists  in  this  coun- 
try, where  Christian  socialism  is  not,  as  a  rule, 
opposed  to  the  proletarian  revolution  as  it  is  over- 
whelmingly in  Europe,  the  idea  is  propagated 
that  the  coming  of  socialism  will  mean  a  revival 
of  "  true  "  religion.  But  if  we  ask  them  what 
they  mean  by  true  religion,  we  get  a  medley 
of  vague  replies  which  differ  more  or  less  ac- 
cording to  individual  idiosyncrasies. 

According  to  materialist  monism,  the  only 
"  true  religion  "  is  the  "  religion  "  of  Natural 
Truth.  And  this  truth  is  not  to  be  sought  in 
the  unknowable  and  impossible  nothing  called  the 
supernatural.  It  is  contained  in  the  physical  and 
chemical  elements  in  us  and  around  us.  And  it 
can  be  found  with  the  natural  means  which  every 

164 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

human  being  has  received  by  nature,  the  five 
senses,  and  the  brain,  which  is  the  organ  of  the 
sixth  sense  of  mankind.  Without  the  help  of 
these,  nothing  can  be  learned,  for  without  them 
there  is  no  human  consciousness,  no  human 
"  soul." 

But  this  "  true  religion "  of  Natural  Truth 
never  came  to  conscious  life,  until  it  found  its 
monistic  expression  in  the  minds  of  the  thinkers 
of  proletarian  socialism.  A  thing  that  never 
lived  before  the  modern  proletariat  generated  it 
cannot  be  "  revived "  by  its  victory.  It  can 
only  be  brought  to  full  life  by  it.  As  for  any 
religion  based  on  mystical  beliefs,  it  will  not  be 
revived,  any  more  than  the  Mosaic  ideas  of  geog- 
raphy and  astronomy.  It  will  be  defeated  by  the 
overwhelming  and  ever  growing  control  of  the 
human  mind  over  the  other  parts  of  nature.  To 
the  extent  that  science  compels  nature  to  yield 
one  of  its  mysteries  after  another,  the  basis  of 
mystical  religion  and  authoritative  revelation 
disintegrates,  and  the  science  of  life  comes  into 
its  own. 

It  is  often  denied  that  theological  religion  is 
a  matter  of  belief  upon  authorities.  It  is  claimed 
that  it  is  rather  a  matter  of  belief  upon  "  a  re- 
vealed word  and  the  spiritual  experience  of  the 

165 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

soul."  The  dualist  conception  of  "  spiritual " 
and  "  soul  "  in  this  statement  has  already  been 
appreciated  at  its  real  value  in  the  preceding 
lines.  As  for  the  "  revealed  word,"  to  whom  was 
it  revealed?  Moses,  the  prophets,  the  editors  of 
the  Christian  gospels  who  wrote  from  two  to 
three  hundred  years  after  the  death  of  the  first 
Christian  revolutionaries  some  contradictory  rec- 
ords which  they  claimed  were  the  revealed  word 
of  Christ  and  his  disciples,  were  human  beings 
like  the  rest  of  us,  but  with  less  positive  knowl- 
edge of  themselves  and  the  world.  The  same  is 
true  of  the  other  alleged  founders  of  other  mys- 
tical theologies.  They  asked  their  contempo- 
raries to  believe  upon  their  self-interested 
assertion,  that  they  had  received  some  "  divine 
revelation "  by  some  miraculous  "  spiritual  ex- 
perience "  of  their  individual  "  soul."  They  had 
no  other  proofs  for  the  truth  of  their  assertions 
but  so-called  miracles  which  we  are  told  by  others 
they  performed.  A  proletarian  who  to-day  be- 
lieves their  assertions,  or  those  of  their  unthink- 
ing followers,  all  of  whom  were  either  members 
of  the  ruling  class  or  mentally  controlled  by  them, 
surrenders  his  intellectual  or  "  spiritual  "  life  into 
the  hands  of  his  enemies.  Revelation  must  either 
come  to  each  human  being  individually,  and  in 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

that  case  each  individual  must  experience  the 
same  "  spiritual "  miracle  that  others  claim 
to  have  experienced,  and  we  do  not  need  any 
spiritual  authorities  and  their  alleged  miracles. 
Or,  revelation  can  come  only  to  the  select,  and 
then  all  the  rest  of  humanity  must  take  their 
"  spiritual "  beliefs  upon  the  authority  of  others. 

If  individual  "  spiritual "  experience  is  to  be 
the  test,  then  materialist  monism  acknowledges 
only  one  revelation.  That  is  the  revelation  of 
nature,  the  communication  between  the  natural 
parts  of  the  universe  by  means  of  their  natural 
elements.  This  is  accessible  to  all  without  re- 
gard to  race,  color,  or  station.  It  will  come  to 
all  who  diligently  seek  for  it.  "  Seek  and  ye 
shall  find."  That  is  the  only  "  true  religion 
and  revelation  "  of  all  mankind. 

It  might  be  objected  that  even  materialist 
monism  admits  that  the  human  mind  can  never 
fully  exhaust  the  universe,  and  that  therefore  it 
can  never  know  everything  that  is  in  it.  But  in 
the  first  place,  this  leaves  room  only  for  natural 
unknown  things,  not  for  any  supernatural 
agencies.  In  the  second  place,  even  if  it  per- 
mitted the  theory  of  the  supernatural,  the  bur- 
den of  the  proof  for  the  existence  of  super- 
natural agencies  would  still  be  upon  those  who 

167 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

believe  in  them.  The  fact  that  we  might  not 
be  able  to  demonstrate  that  such  agencies  do 
not  exist  would  not  relieve  them  of  this  bur- 
den. But  the  assertions  hitherto  offered  by 
them  are  not  proofs.  In  the  third  place,  the  dif- 
ference between  that  which  we  can  know  com- 
pared to  that  which  we  cannot  know  is  not  so 
great,  that  it  can  defeat  our  endeavor  to  con- 
trol the  material  forces  of  the  universe. 

It  is  true  that  man  as  organized  to-day  can  see 
only  that  which  is  visible  for  him,  hear  only 
what  is  audible  for  him,  taste  only  that  which 
his  tongue  can  discriminate,  feel  only  that  which 
his  touch  can  bring  to  his  notice,  smell  only 
that  which  his  olfactory  organs  can  detect,  think 
only  that  which  is  thinkable  for  his  brain,  and 
know  only  that  which  is  knowable  to  this  brain 
under  such  circumstances.  But  in  the  first  place, 
the  human  brain  will  not  always  remain  organ- 
ized as  it  is  to-day.  A  comparison  of  the  con- 
struction and  volume  of  the  skulls  of  a  Pithe- 
canthropus, a  Neanderthal  man,  an  Australian 
aborigine,  and  an  educated  Caucasian,  is  so  con- 
vincing, that  the  development  of  a  vastly  higher 
organ  of  understanding  out  of  the  human 
mind,  in  the  course  of  further  millions  of  years, 
becomes  a  logical  demand  of  materialist  monism. 

168 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

Of  course,  even  this  higher  organ  of  under- 
standing will  be  limited  by  its  organization  and 
cannot  penetrate  beyond  that  by  any  other 
means  but  further  evolution.  Yet  it  will  per- 
ceive and  understand  a  great  deal  more  than 
ours. 

Furthermore,  all  things  of  the  universe  have 
developed  from  a  few  basic  elements,  which  we 
cannot  divide  beyond  the  limits  of  human  per- 
ception. These  basic  elements  do  not  seem  to 
have  changed  their  fundamental  nature-  in  all 
the  millions  of  years  since  organic  life  began 
its  evolutionary  course.  At  least  we  have  no 
means  of  determining  any  changes  in  them,  al- 
though they  too,  go  through  an  evolution  along 
with  the  different  forms  which  they  have  gener- 
ated, as  is  shown  by  radium  and  helium.  But 
evidently  the  elements  have  so  far  had  a  greater 
affinity  for  reaction  toward  their  type  than 
toward  new  variations,  in  other  words,  the  evo- 
lution of  the  forms  generated  by  them  proceeds 
faster  than  that  of  the  elements  themselves. 
These  evolutionary  forms  have  naturally  a 
greater  tendency  towards  variation  than  their 
basic  elements. 

The  logical  conclusion  from  these  premises 
is  that  the  development  of  that  higher  organ 

169 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

of  understanding  which  will  follow  the  human 
mind,  and  which  will,  of  course,  be  as  much  a 
part  of  nature  as  we  are,  will  gradually  diminish 
the  difference  between  the  absolutely  unknowable 
and  the  relatively  knowable.  Mathematically 
speaking,  the  absolutely  unknowable  will  be- 
come infinitely  smaller,  the  relatively  knowable 
will  become  infinitely  greater,  until  the  lines  be- 
tween the  unknowable  and  the  knowable  become 
imperceptible. 

This  conception  does  not  leave  the  least  room 
for  any  metaphysical  explanation  of  anything 
that  we  may  not  know.  It  leaves  no  room  for 
any  supernatural  ghosts  or  "  spirits." 

That  which  theologians  conceitedly  call  their 
"  spiritual "  experience,  and  which  according  to 
them  no  "  atheist "  can  have,  is  a  mixture  of 
vague  feeling  and  self-suggestion.  They  sug- 
gest to  themselves  that  their  indistinct,  and  to 
them  supernaturally  mysterious,  feeling  of  the 
infinity  of  the  natural  universe  is  a  "  divine 
revelation,"  and  then  they  claim  to  have  received 
it  by  supernatural  agencies.  And  when  they  are 
shaken  out  of  their  self-hypnotism  and  asked  to 
show  proofs  for  their  assertions,  they  retire 
gracefully  behind  that  other  bare  assertion,  that 
this  cannot  be  proven  by  any  process  of  reason- 

170 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

ing,  but  must  be  believed  upon  the  testimony  of 
individual  "  spiritual "  experience.  That  is  but 
a  mystic  way  of  saying  that  no  man  can  be- 
lieve a  thought  unless  he  makes  himself  believe 
it.  But  when  theologians  are  driven  to  this  ex- 
tremity, they  get  mad,  tell  us  that  their  belief 
is  sacred  to  them,  and  that  they  do  not  care  to 
discuss  the  matter  any  further.  They  want  to 
continue  their  hypnotic  slumber  and  are  mad  at 
being  shaken  out  of  it. 

But  nothing  is  sacred  before  the  tribunal  of 
Natural  Truth.  Everything  has  to  prove  its 
right  to  existence  before  this  tribunal  by  natural 
processes  of  reasoning,  or  stand  convicted  as  an 
imposture.  By  crawling  behind  the  excuse  that 
this  or  that  is  sacred  to  them,  the  theologians  and 
their  unreasoning  herd  merely  acknowledge  their 
mental  poverty  and  their  lack  of  historical  under- 
standing. And  they  stand  before  the  throne  of 
Natural  Truth  as  self-convicted  impostors,  who 
deceive  themselves  and  others  and  bar  the  prog- 
ress of  the  human  mind  to  an  understanding  of 
itself  and  of  the  universe. 

As  a  last  clincher,  we  sometimes  hear  the  de- 
fiant assertion  that  wise  men  generally  "  do  not 
understand  the  word  of  God."  That  is  what  the 
ruling  classes  have  hurled  in  the  face  of  all  revo- 

171 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

lutionary  thinkers  since  the  betrayal  of  the  Chris- 
tian revolution,  and  it  is  certainly  not  calculated 
to  increase  our  confidence  in  Christian  socialists 
who  repeat  it  against  the  revolutionary  thought 
x>f  the  very  class  whose  ideals  they  claim  to  cham- 
pion. 

They  may  flatter  themselves  that  they  can 
force  the  churches  of  the  ruling  classes  to  sur- 
render to  the  Christian  socialist  interpretation 
of  the  gospels  and  enact  those  teachings  which 
were  a  part  of  the  revolutionary  message  of  the 
ancient  Christian  proletariat.  They  might  as  well 
expect  that  the  bourgeoisie  should  carry  out  the 
principles  of  the  natural  rights  doctrine.  It 
would  be  ridiculous  to  lose  any  more  words 
about  such  a  lack  of  historical  understanding. 

Another  argument  of  Christian  socialism  is 
that  the  materialist  standpoint  prejudices  Chris- 
tian working  men  against  socialism.  If  this 
means  anything,  it  means  that  we  should  sup- 
press our  better  knowledge  and  prostitute  a 
known  natural  truth  to  some  petty  tactical  utility. 
That  would  certainly  be  neither  "  Christian  "  in 
the  sense  of  Christian  socialism,  nor  reconcilable 
with  the  ethics  of  the  proletarian  revolution. 

Of  course,  it  is  not  necessary  that  every  mem- 
ber of  the  socialist  parties  should  endorse  the  full 

172 


A  WAIF  AND  ITS  ADOPTION 

conclusions  of  the  socialist  philosophy.  For 
these  conclusions  reach  far  beyond  the  present 
and  future  requirements  of  party  activity.  But 
this  cannot  prevent  us  from  making  use  of  our 
right  of  free  speech  within  and  without  the  party 
for  the  mutual  education  of  ourselves  and  others 
by  means  of  free  discussion  of  vitally  human 
problems.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  one  of  our 
greatest  duties  to  make  use  of  this  right  and 
guard  it  against  reactionary  attempts  to  stifle  the 
free  word  in  the  interest  of  some  "  sacred  "  hal- 
lucination. 

Materialist  monism  is  not  "  atheism."  The 
atheist  is  distinctly  a  product  of  class  rule  and 
will  die  out  with  bourgeois  culture.  Atheism 
is  simply  mental  anarchy,  a  reflex  of  the  indus- 
trial and  political  anarchy  in  the  "  spiritual " 
world.  It  is  the  bare  negation  of  supernatural 
gods,  without  any  recognition  of  the  construc- 
tive tendencies  of  evolution,  and  its  historical 
place  is  in  the  museum  of  antiquities  by  the  side 
of  the  mechanical  materialism  of  the  i8th  and 
1 9th  centuries,  where  the  Christian  theologies 
will  in  due  time  also  find  a  quiet  resting  place. 
The  fact  that  materialist  monism  has  no  god  does 
not  make  it  identical  with  atheism  any  more  than 
the  fact  that  Christianity  believes  in  a  supernat- 

173 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

ural  god  makes  it  identical  with  paganism.  Only 
an  ignoramus  can  dismiss  materialist  monism 
with  the  supercilious  and  flippant  term  of  "  athe- 
ism." 

In  stating  the  historical  truth  that  the  modern 
proletarian  revolution  is  inseparably  linked  with 
the  growth  of  materialist  monism  we  do  not  im- 
ply that  the  victory  of  socialism  depends  on  the 
spread  of  "  atheism,"  or  even  of  materialist  mo- 
nism. On  the  contrary,  we  are  simply  stating  a 
fact  revealed  by  the  materialist  conception  of  his- 
tory, namely,  that  the  industrial  and  political 
revolution  produces  a  mental  revolution.  This 
mental  revolution  strikes  not  only  at  the  eco- 
nomic and  political  institutions,  but  also  at  the 
ideas  of  the  ruling  classes. 

Class  rule  is  inseparably  united  to  mysticism 
and  theological  religion.  And  if  the  declining 
bourgeois  world  feels  the  need  of  a  "  spiritual 
revival  "  in  the  sense  that  they  long  for  a  return 
of  the  good  times  when  they  swung  the  rod  over 
the  mental  life  of  the  working  class,  we  can  un- 
derstand their  feelings  very  well  and  sympathize 
with  them.  But  we  are  not  going  to  fulfill  their 
wishes  in  this  respect. 

To  the  extent  that  class  rule  totters,  the  prole- 
tarian mind  rises  out  of  the  fog  of  mystic  phi- 

174 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

losophy  or  theological   religion  into  the  bright 
sunlight  of  materialist  monism. 


XVII.     MATERIALIST    MONISM,    THE    SCIENCE 
AND  "  RELIGION  "  OF  THE  PROLETARIAT. 

The  world-process  is  an  evolution  through 
revolutions.  Its  course  appears  to  the  monist 
understanding  of  the  present  day  as  a  parabolic 
curve,  coming  out  of  the  unknown  infinity  of 
nature  and  leading  into  its  eternal  future. 

In  the  dim  past,  where  the  world-process  be- 
comes perceptible  to  human  understanding,  we 
see  an  infinite  mass  of  infinitesimally  minute 
ether  dust  whirling  about  in  all  directions.  Here 
is  life  with  all  its  attributes  in  the  earliest  and 
most  primitive  form  conceivable  to  monist  rea- 
son. Consciousness  and  will  are  among  these 
attributes  in  the  germ,  just  as  are  electricity, 
magnetism,  radiation,  or  such  abstract  qualities 
of  the  abstract  matter  of  abstract  school  phi- 
losophy as  indestructibility  and  impenetrability. 

This  picture  shows  all  there  is  in  the  universe 
at  that  inconceivably  remote  stage  of  its  career. 
This  is  the  cosmos,  god,  infinite,  or  whatever' 

175 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

high  name  you  wish  to  give  it,  that  created  itself 
out  of  itself,  that  has  no  beginning  and  no  end, 
that  has  no  other  universe  outside  of  itself,  that 
is  omnipotent,  omniscient,  and  above  all  omni- 
natural.  All  these  terms  mainly  prove  the  lim- 
ited scope  of  the  human  understanding  as  at 
present  organized. 

The  evolution  of  this  infinite  ether-universe, 
this  great  nothing  which  is  everything,  follows 
its  own  laws.  And  the  general  law  pervading  all 
evolution  is  this:  The  positive  life  of  a  certain 
stage  generates  within  itself  the  elements  of  its 
own  negation.  At  a  certain  period  determined 
by  the  pace  of  evolution,  these  negative  elements 
come  into  irreconcilable  conflict  with  the  old 
positive  conditions.  Then  follows  a  period  of 
revolution,  which  is  cosmic,  geological,  meteoro- 
logical, biological,  psychic,  economic,  or  political, 
as  the  case  may  be.  The  new  negative  forces 
finally  dominate  the  old  positive  ones  and  trans- 
form them  into  negative  ones  to  conform  with 
the  others.  By  this  means  the  negative  become 
the  positive  elements  of  a  new  cycle  of  evolution. 
They  generate  in  their  turn  the  elements  of  their 
own  negation,  which  in  due  time  bring  about  the 
negation  of  the  previous  negation  by  a  new  revo- 
lution. This  results  in  the  domination  of  the 

176 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

new  negation  as  the  positive  force  of  the  next 
cycle,  continuing  evolution  on  a  higher  scale. 

This  is  the  eternal  law,  and  it  is  fulfilled  as 
strictly  in  the  most  minute  particle  of  ether  as  it 
is  in  the  physical  molecule,  the  chemical  atom, 
the  individual  crystal,  plant,  animal,  or  man,  the 
globe  of  the  earth,  the  sun,  a  fixed  star,  or  the 
entire  universe. 

In  fulfillment  of  this  law,  a  part  of  the  primi- 
tive ether-universe  is  gradually  converted  into 
more  condensed  particles  which  assume  by  de- 
grees certain  mathematical  forms.  In  response 
to  physico-chemical  tropisms,  they  congregate 
here  and  separate  there.  Out  of  the  universal 
whirl,  more  condensed  whirls  gradually  loom  up 
and  arrange  themselves  in  accord  with  new  laws 
which  develop  to  the  extent  that  this  movement 
makes  progress. 

yEons  pass,  and  the  whirls  have  become  worlds 
in  primitive  stages  of  formation.  By  the  process 
of  further  condensation  and  rotation,  heat  is  gen- 
erated, marking  a  new  revolution  and  the  intro- 
duction of  new  formations.  Gradually  the  fun- 
damental chemical  elements  of  the  universe  as 
we  know  them  develop,  and  the  glowing  spheres 
circle  through  the  ether,  distancing  in  their  evo- 
lution the  slow  processes  of  the  old  ether-uni- 

177 


x  SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

verse.  Still  this  old  universe  persists  in  its  in- 
finity, and  the  new  worlds  are  but  islands  in  its 
boundless  extension.  It  reacts  on  the  new  world- 
processes  and  assists  in  their  further  condensa- 
tion. 

^ons  pass  before  the  physico-chemical  reac- 
tions have  accumulated  sufficient  precipitations  of 
solid  and  fluid  matter  on  the  earth  to  form  a 
durable  mineral  shell  with  pools  of  water  and  an 
atmosphere.  Other  aeons  pass  before  the  first 
organic  life  rises  out  of  the  reactions  of  the  inor- 
ganic under  favorable  conditions.  But  when 
these  conditions  are  at  last  mature,  the  revolu- 
tion of  the  organic  against  the  inorganic  gen- 
erates the  first  protists.  These  separate  in  the 
course  of  ages  into  unicellular  plants  (proto- 
phyta)  and  unicellular  animals  (protozoa). 

The  inorganic  environment  continues  to 
change,  and,  through  the  interaction  of  organic 
and  inorganic  life-processes,  the  simple  monera 
without  a  cell-nucleus  are  transformed  into  al- 
garia  with  a  cell-nucleus  and  a  cell-membrane. 
After  the  first  division  of  labor  between  inside 
and  outside  protoplasm  has  taken  place,  other 
specializations  of  the  interior  and  exterior  struc- 
ture follow  in  due  time. 

Along  with  this  development  comes  association 

178 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

of  unicellular  organisms  into  little  cell-clusters, 
and  the  division  of  labor  arising  under  the  new 
environment  produces  the  first  multicellular  ani- 
mals, the  gastraeades.  These  repeat  on  a  higher 
plane  the  primitive  division  of  labor  of  the  pro- 
tozoa, producing  the  skin-and-stomach  type  of 
the  gastrula,  which  represents  the  first  rudi- 
mentary plan  of  connective  tissue  and  internal 
organs.  The  unicellular  plants  have  in  the 
meantime  accomplished  similar  results. 

No  sooner  has  this  stage  become  fairly  estab- 
lished, than  a  new  division  of  labor  is  inaugu- 
rated. So  long  as  the  cell  lives  independently, 
it  propagates  by  fission  or  gemmation.  But  in 
the  multicellular  community,  fission  is  a  nuisance. 
Gemmation  permits  of  modifications  which  do 
not  disturb  the  communal  life.  So  each  cell  in 
the  community  transmits  its  share  of  sexual  life 
to  special  sex-cells,  and  in  the  further  selection 
of  these  the  male  and  female  organs  arise,  lead- 
ing to  the  climax  of  separation  of  sexes  in  in- 
dividuals. Some  still  retain  the  old  form  of 
common  sexuality,  but  the  new  mode  of  propa- 
gation proves  superior  in  spite  of  its  apparent 
slowness  and  complexity,  because  it  furnishes  a 
greater  variety  of  new  material  for  natural  selec- 
tion. 

179 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

At  this  stage,  the  ether-universe  is  filled  with 
spheres  in  various  stages  of  development.  Nat- 
ural selection  continues  its  work  in  them  as  it 
does  in  the  surface  and  the  interior  of  the  earth. 
Vast  oceans  and  marshes  cover  the  surface  of  the 
terrestrial  globe  at  this  stage,  and  in  the  depths 
of  the  water  myriads  of  plant  and  animal  organ- 
isms from  the  lowest  types  to  advanced  worms 
are  disporting  themselves.  These  organisms  are 
all  of  them  endowed  with  the  essential  faculties 
of  consciousness  and  will.  But  this  conscious- 
ness is  as  yet  little  above  that  of  the  primitive 
inorganic  life  out  of  which  it  evolved.  These 
forms  have  no  brain,  although  some  of  them 
have  developed  the  rudiments  of  a  nerve  system. 

Long  before  the  Silurian  period,  we  find  in 
those  oceans  certain  worms  which  have  devel- 
oped a  chorda,  the  first  piece  of  cartilage  indi- 
cating the  beginning  of  a  thing  which  will  in 
course  of  time  become  the  backbone  of  verte- 
brate animals.  Other  worms  continue  without  a 
chorda  and  give  rise  to  a  separate  line  of  inverte- 
brate evolution. 

The  earth  and  its  oceans  change.  In  the  tran- 
sition from  the  pre-Silurian  to  the  Silurian  period, 
we  meet  with  the  ancestors  of  the  modern  Am- 
phioxus,  a  little  headless  fish  that  has  improved 

180 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

on  the  chorda  of  its  worm  ancestors  and  whose 
tiny  string  of  spinal  nerves  above  the  chorda 
indicates  a  new  feature  which  from  now  on  be- 
comes the  characteristic  mark  of  all  vertebrates. 

During  the  last  stages  of  the  transition  toward 
the  Silurian  period,  worm-like  fishes  appear  with 
a  better  developed  chorda,  a  more  highly  organ- 
ized nerve  system,  and  the  rudiments  of  a  skull 
with  brains.  The  spinal  chord  above  the  chorda 
is  becoming  the  halfway  house  between  a  brain 
and  a  complicated  nerve  system. 

The  selachian  and  ganoid  fishes  of  the  Silurian 
period  have  developed  the  chorda  into  a  cartilage 
backbone  and  skeleton,  their  brain  is  much  bet- 
ter organized,  and  they  have  acquired  the  definite 
beginnings  of  that  system  of  five  fingers  or  toes 
on  four  limbs,  which  we  see  later  as  a  typical 
mark  of  the  highest  vertebrates. 

Ages  pass  and  accumulated  changes  in  the 
earth's  crust  and  surface  bring  on  the  Devonian 
period.  Dry  land  has  been  lifted  out  of  the 
oceans,  and  some  fishes  have  been  compelled  to 
live  for  months  with  little  or  no  water.  They 
have  developed  their  airbladder  into  a  lung  and 
their  forefins  into  strong  supports  for  walking, 
climbing  and  digging.  Their  cartilage  skeleton 
has  become  bony.  The  decisive  step  has  been 

18] 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

made  for  the  transfer  of  some  vertebrate  life 
from  the  water  to  the  dry  land  and  to  the  open 
air. 

Another  terrestrial  age  passes  away,  and  the 
surface  of  the  earth  has  become  fully  ripe  for 
organic  life  on  land.  The  plant  has  wandered 
ashore  even  faster  than  the  animal.  A  miracu- 
lous transformation  has  taken  place  since  the 
departure  of  the  nebulous  whirl  of  the  earth  from 
the  ether-universe,  which  still  extends  its  inex- 
haustible infinity  all  around  the  circling  spheres. 
The  Carboniferous  and  Permian  periods  abound 
in  the  amphibian  successors  of  the  lungfishes 
and  in  the  reptilian  followers  of  the  amphibians. 
The  brain,  the  nerve  system,  the  finger  system, 
the  skeleton,  have  made  further  progress. 

From  fishes  to  reptiles,  the  foundation  has 
been  securely  laid  for  the  earthly  supremacy  of 
animals  with  brains,  nerves,  lungs,  and  bones. 
The  higher  evolution  of  these  things  by  natural 
selection  through  use  in  the  struggle  for  adapta- 
tion is  assured. 

Now  the  line  of  evolution  comes  once  more  to 
a  parting  of  the  ways.  Among  fishes,  amphibia, 
and  reptiles,  there  are  exceptional  cases  of  a  de- 
velopment of  the  forelegs  into  wings,  and  of 
propagation  by  the  birth  of  living  young  ones, 

182 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

instead  of  the  hatching  of  eggs.  Now  some  rep- 
tiles develop  these  wings  still  more,  retaining  at 
the  same  time  propagation  by  means  of  eggs. 
Other  reptiles  spend  their  surplus-energy  in  the 
development  of  a  new  method  of  propagation 
and  evolve  a  placenta  in  the  womb  of  the  female. 
Again  the  brain,  nerves,  ringer  system,  and  bones 
are  affected  accordingly. 

Wings  prove  after  all  of  less  value  in  the  fur- 
ther evolution  than  a  placenta.  With  the  de- 
velopment of  the  sex-system  of  the  mammalia, 
the  nerve  and  brain  systems  are  far  more  directly 
and  profoundly  affected  than  they  are  by  the 
comparatively  slight  modification  of  lizard  wings 
and  scales  into  bird  wings  and  feathers.  The 
internal  adaptation  is  the  more  valuable.  Thanks 
to  it  the  mammals  rise  superior  to  the  birds  and 
the  other  animals.  The  mammalian  brain,  nerve, 
and  finger  systems  outstrip  those  of  the  birds, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  Secondary  period,  the 
brain  and  its  accompanying  marks  of  evolution 
have  arrived  at  the  highest  type  of  man-ape. 

With  the  terrestrial  changes  of  the  Tertiary 
period,  the  man-ape  becomes  an  ape-man  with 
erect  body,  greater  brain  volume,  and  better 
hands  and  feet.  The  further  accentuation  of 
these  factors  results  in  the  birth  of  man.  The 

183 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

new  race  proves  to  be  especially  well  fitted  for 
survival  and  in  the  course  of  the  Tertiary  period, 
spreads  over  vast  areas  of  the  earth's  surface  and 
conquers  its  animal  life. 

Great  geological  catastrophes  follow.  The 
Ice-Age  overtakes  the  organic  life  of  half  the 
earth.  Man,  having  learned  the  use  of  fire, 
drives  the  ferocious  beasts  out  of  their  caves 
and  survives  even  here.  Great  floods  surprise 
many  of  the  human  beings  when  the  ice  melts. 
Yet  the  race  survives  and  spreads,  growing  in 
brain  volume  and  skill  of  fingers.  They  have 
learned  to  think  connectedly  and  to  speak  articu- 
late languages.  Their  environment  determines 
the  character  of  their  social  organization. 

In  one  respect,  all  the  early  social  groups  of 
mankind  are  alike :  They  are  all  rooted  in  sexual 
kinships,  and  descent  is  traced  by  the  female 
line.  The  rules  of  mutual  intercourse  growing 
out  of  these  relations  are  democratic  and  dic- 
tated by  direct  observation  of  the  evil  effects  of 
violating  natural  laws  of  adaptation  and  sexual 
selection.  Nature  itself  teaches  primitive  man 
to  observe  the  laws  of  evolution.  All  ideas  of 
modern  altruism,  morality,  love,  liberty,  brother- 
hood, and  the  like,  are  etherealized  and  dete- 


184 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

riorated  copies  of  natural  practices  of  primitive 
man. 

From  savagery  through  barbarism  to  patri- 
archy, the  primitive  organizations  of  man  learn 
the  first  rudiments  of  the  art  of  controlling  na- 
ture. Brain  and  hands  unite  to  bring  forth  tools 
and  shelter  by  which  to  increase  human  power 
and  comfort.  The  wilderness  of  plant  and  ani- 
mal life  succumbs  step  by  step  to  man's  superior 
powers,  and  as  his  powers  grow,  his  nature 
moves  away  from  the  brute  and  his  thoughts 
turn  toward  higher  evolution  by  means  of  still 
greater  control  over  nature. 

But  with  the  increase  of  food,  clothing,  and 
shelter,  and  the  consequent  multiplication  of  the 
human  sex  group  to  a  point  where  it  becomes 
unwieldy,  the  old  natural  relationships  are  un- 
dermined. The  human  understanding  is  not 
mature  enough  to  consciously  create  better 
adapted  relationships.  So,  while  the  old  rela- 
tions gradually  dissolve,  new  and  unknown  ones 
arise  and  carry  strife  and  disorder  into  the  har- 
mony of  the  ancient  family  life.  To  the  extent 
that  this  process  continues,  the  common  re- 
sources of  life  are  appropriated  by  the  most 
cunning  or  prominent  man  in  each  group,  the 
women  are  excluded  from  the  common  privileges, 

185 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

and  gradually  the  women  and  the  majority  of 
men  become  economically  dependent  on  those 
who  have  profited  from  the  disintegration  of  the 
old  groups  and  made  themselves  masters  of  the 
formerly  common  requirements  of  life.  Female 
descent  gives  way  to  male  lineage  in  the  interest 
of  inheritance  of  private  property. 

Thus  "  civilization "  comes  in  by  a  suppres- 
sion of  the  fundamental  condition  of  all  social 
morality  and  right,  the  common  ownership  of 
the  earth,  of  its  products,  and  of  the  tools  so- 
cially acquired  by  the  evolution  and  co-operation 
of  countless  generations.  Individualism  and  an- 
archy now  take  the  place  of  the  spirit  of  com- 
munity and  natural  order.  New  economic  and 
political  forces  grow  up,  which  baffle  all  attempts 
of  man  to  control  them,  because  he  obstinately 
declines  to  demolish  the  soil  out  of  which  they 
grow,  the  private  ownership  of  the  earth  and  of 
social  wealth. 

Economic  usurpation  begets  wars  for  terri- 
torial expansion  and  slavery  of  prisoners  of 
war.  Slavery  begets  more  wealth  and  leads 
to  the  introduction  of  a  coercive  power,  the 
state,  which  gradually  overawes  not  only  the 
captives,  but  also  the  poor  members  of  the 
same  tribe.  Political  privileges  are  reserved 

186 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

for  the  wealthy,  local  division  into  groups  regard- 
less of  descent  takes  the  place  of  organization  by 
sex-groups  (gentes),  and  exploitation  of  fellovr- 
gentiles  comes  gradually  in  the  place  of  slavery, 
when  slaves  are  no  longer  profitable. 

With  the  transformation  of  fellow-gentiles  into 
rulers  and  ruled,  the  old  natural  laws  of  moral 
relationship  are  transformed  into  a  code  of  op- 
pressive law.  The  primitive  worship  of  over- 
whelming forces  of  nature  is  transformed  into  a 
supernatural  religion,  which  institutes  a  ruler  in 
heaven  after  the  model  of  the  rulers  below.  >  Just 
as  economic  and  political  fetters  prevent  the  rise 
of  the  lowly  to  social  freedom,  so  mental  fetters 
now  prevent  the  rise  of  their  minds  out  of  intel- 
lectual oppression.  This  condition  is  defended 
by  the  rulers  as  the  best  on  earth,  and  their  re- 
ligious teachers  derive  out  of  this  degradation 
the  consolation  of  spiritual  salvation  after  death. 

Feudalism,  the  successor  of  slavery,  keeps  the 
majority  of  mankind  in  this  condition,  until  new 
economic  forces  burst  serfdom  asunder  and  in- 
stal  the  capitalist  class  as  the  new  rulers,  who 
derive  out  of  their  economic  supremacy  the  same 
justification  as  former  rulers  for  keeping  the 
reason  of  mankind,  including  their  own,  en- 
thralled in  lies  and  ignorance. 

187 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

But  capitalism,  like  all  other  things  in  the  uni- 
verse, also  begets  its  own  negation.  The  mod- 
ern working  class,  the  negative  force  of  capitalist 
society,  but  the  positive  force  of  evolution  at  this 
stage,  abolishes  the  profit-system,  transforms  the 
capitalists  into  workers,  and  makes  itself  the 
positive  force  of  the  new  social  organization. 

The  negation  of  the  capitalist  class  and  the 
domination  of  the  proletariat  as  the  new  positive 
force  is  at  the  same  time  the  final  negation  of  all 
class-struggles,  so  that  conscious  co-operation 
becomes  the  new  law  in  social  evolution  and  nat- 
ural selection  operates  under  radically  changed 
social  conditions. 

But  the  abolition  of  class-struggles  is  not  the 
negation  of  the  struggle  for  existence  against 
the  forces  of  nature.  Conscious  human  co-opera- 
tion in  the  struggle  against  nature  merely  inau- 
gurates a  new  cycle  of  cosmic  evolution.  This 
cycle  cannot  end  in  the  abolition  of  the  universal 
struggle,  because  the  universe,  being  infinite,  al- 
ways generates  the  elements  for  new  negations. 
Yet  each  new  negation  henceforth  implies  the  im- 
proved co-operation  of  human  beings  in  the 
control  of  evolutionary  processes.  For  when  the 
proletariat  as  a  class  awakes  to  class-conscious- 
ness, humanity  to  that  extent  awakes  to  world 

188 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

and  cosmic  consciousness,  realizes  its  mission  in 
society,  on  earth,  and  in  the  universe,  and  con- 
sciously prepares  the  means  for  the  accomplish- 
ment of  this  mission.  That  is  the  tremendous 
difference  between  the  proletarian  and  all  other 
social  revolutions,  that  it  understands  the  course 
of  social  and  cosmic  evolution  and  adapts  its 
action  to  this  understanding,  while  all  other  so- 
cial revolutions  were  carried  through  without  this 
understanding.  With  the  proletarian  revolution, 
the  highest  organ  of  consciousness  evolved  by  the 
universal  process  of  transformation  takes  the  first 
steps  for  a  premeditated  and  scientific  control  of 
the  entire  process. 

The  function  of  the  human  understanding  is 
henceforth  not  so  much  to  maintain  itself  in  its 
present  organization,  but  rather  to  control  those 
processes  which  will  promote  the  negation  of  its 
present  organization  and  its  evolution  into  a 
higher  one.  It  is  not  to  strive  for  reactionary 
immortality  in  its  present  form,  not  to  preserve 
its  identity  of  to-day  beyond  the  point  where  it 
interferes  with  its  identity  of  to-morrow,  but 
merely  to  insure  its  normal  evolution  into  to- 
morrow's identity.  This  alone  is  the  way  toward 
immortality,  and  the  individual  cannot  hope  to 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

lead  the  way  towards  it  without  the  conscious 
evolutionary  organization  of  society. 

Along  with  the  understanding  of  social  and 
cosmic  evolution  comes  naturally  an  understand- 
ing of  individual  and  sexual  evolution.  Just  as 
the  new  social  ethics  demand  a  conscious  adapta- 
tion of  social  activity  to  a  normal  process  of 
cosmic  evolution,  so  the  new  individual  ethics  de- 
mand a  conscious  promotion  of  the  natural  selec- 
tion of  qualities  which  will  be  of  most  value  in 
social  and  cosmic  evolution. 

Reaction  and  progress  are  struggling  in  each 
individual  the  same  as  they  are  in  every  particle 
of  the  universe.  Naturally  this  struggle  is  re- 
flected in  the  individual  consciousness,  or  "  soul." 
Every  one  of  us  therefore  feels  two  natures 
struggling  within  him.  The  one  drives  him  for- 
ward, prompts  him  to  do  the  things  which  will 
develop  evolutionary  qualities  in  himself  and  oth- 
ers. The  other  nature  suggests  thoughts  and  ac- 
tions which  arrest  evolution  and  create  disease, 
suffering,  unhappiness. 

It  becomes,  therefore,  an  imperative  duty  of 
materialist  monism  to  warn  mankind  against  in- 
timate relations  between  reactionary  and  evolu- 
tionary individuals.  Whether  any  one  will  give 
heed  to  the  voice  of  reaction  or  of  evolution,  de- 

190 


MATERIALIST  MONISM 

pends  in  the  last  analysis  on  heredity  and  en- 
vironment. It  is  well,  therefore,  to  learn  early 
in  life  whether  one's  nature,  and  that  of  friends 
or  dearer  comrades,  tends  more  toward  evolu- 
tion or  toward  reaction,  and  whether  proper  treat- 
ment will  result  in  the  victory  of  evolution. 
Otherwise  there  is  no  secure  basis  for  future  hap- 
piness. 

An  evolutionary  ethic  demands  the  abolition 
of  all  economic,  political,  and  intellectual  op- 
pression ;  a  reduction  of  the  struggle  for  the  ma- 
terial requirements  of  life  to  a  minimum  by  a 
collective  control  of  productive  processes;  an 
understanding  of  cosmic,  social,  and  individual 
evolution;  sexual  selection  of  evolutionary  na- 
tures ;  and  a  control  of  self  in  accord  with  the 
requirements  of  universal  evolution  through  the 
fulfillment  of  the  preceding  conditions. 

Those  who  violate  these  demands  are  elim- 
inated from  the  line  of  evolution  by  natural  selec- 
tion; those  who  fulfill  them  are  blessed  with 
eternal  salvation  through  nature. 

All  finite  things  can  survive  in  the  universal 
transformation  only  by  conforming  to  this  uni- 
versal "  moral  law."  Individual  immortality  of 
the  human  consciousness,  as  to-day  organized,  is 
a  reactionary  idea.  The  narrow  path  of  eternal 

191 


SCIENCE  AND  REVOLUTION 

life  leads  only  through  the  golden  gate  of  adapta- 
tion to  the  understood  line  of  evolution. 

Only  the  universe  is  immortal,  and  it  cannot 
be  destroyed.  If  the  human  mind  wishes  to 
share  in  this  immortality,  and  avoid  being  hurled 
into  the  abyss  of  oblivion,  it  has  only  one  course 
open  before  it:  The  conscious  promotion  of  an 
environment  in  which  an  organ  of  understanding 
can  develop  which  will  succeed  in  controlling 
the  universal  process. 

It  is  only  the  philosophy  of  the  proletariat 
which  furnishes  a  scientific  basis  for  the  realiza- 
tion of  the  most  daring  dreams  of  the  thinkers 
of  all  ages.  The  proletarian  mind,  conscious  of 
its  origin,  its  present  and  future  place  in  society 
and  universe,  its  social,  terrestrial,  and  cosmic 
mission,  can  exclaim  triumphantly :  "  I  was,  I 
am,  and  I  shall  be ! " 


192 


GLOSSARY 

IN    WHICH    THE    AUTHOR    EXPLAINS    HIS    CONCEPTION    OF 
SOME  OF  THE   SCIENTIFIC   TERMS   USED   IN   THIS   BOOK. 

(n.  means  noun,  adj.  means  adjective.) 


BIOLOGY,  n.,  the  science  of  life  processes. 

BIOLOGICAL,  adj.,  pertaining  to  biology. 

BOURGEOIS,  n.,  a  member  of  the  bourgeoisie. 

BOURGEOIS,  adj.,  pertaining  to  the  bourgeoisie. 

BOURGEOISIE,  n.,  originally  the  well-to-do  middle 
class  of  modern  capitalism,  nowadays  applied 
to  the  modern  capitalist  class  in  general. 

DIALECTIC,  adj.,  pertaining  to  dialectics. 

DIALECTICS,  n.,  a  method  of  expression  which  aims 
to  portray  the  natural  movement  in  the  uni- 
verse. 

DUALISM,  n.,  a  conception  of  the  universe  as  com- 
posed of  natural  and  supernatural  parts. 

EVOLUTION,  n.,  a  continuous -natural  transformation 
by  the  interaction  of  antagonistic  movements, 
resulting  in  the  natural  selection  of  progressive 
forms. 

HEGELIAN  DIALECTICS,  n.,  a  conception  of  the 
universal  process  as  a  movement  of  positive 

193 


GLOSSARY 

and  negative  forces,  the  credit  for  which  is  due 
to  the  German  idealist  philosopher  Hegel. 

HISTORICAL  MATERIALISM,  n,,  a  method  of  re- 
search established  by  the  socialist  Karl  Marx, 
conceiving  of  human  history  as  a  dialectic 
process  based  on  economic  changes. 

IDEALISM,  n.,  a  theory  distinguished  from  idealist 
monism  by  a  vague  conception  of  the  functions 
of  the  universe  as  supernatural,  without  a  just 
appreciation  of  its  physical  structure  and  de- 
velopment. 

IDEALIST  MONISM,  n.,  a  uniform  conception  of  the 
universe  as  a  supernatural  organism. 

MARXISM,  n.,  the  foundation  of  scientific  socialism, 
established  by  Karl  Marx,  based  on  his  theories 
of  surplus-value,  historical  materialism,  and 
social  evolution  through  class-struggles. 

MATERIALISM,  n.,  a  theory  distinguished  from  ma- 
terialist monism  by  a  crude  emphasis  on  the 
physical  structure  of  the  universe,  without  a 
just  appreciation  of  its  functions  and  develop- 
ment 

MATERIALIST  MONISM,  n.,  a  uniform  conception 
of  the  universe  as  a  natural  organism. 

METAPHYSICS,  n.,  the  science  of  the  mental  as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  physical  life ;  on  account  of 
its  historical  origin,  it  is  dualistic  and  opposed 
to  'materialist  monism,  although  it  pretends  to 
be  opposed  to  idealist  speculation. 

MONISM,  n.,  a  uniform  conception  of  the  universe. 

PALAEONTOLOGY,  n.,  the  science  of  extinct  ani- 
mals. 

194 


GLOSSARY 

PHYSIOLOGY,  n.,  the  science  of  the  physical  proper- 
ties of  animals  and  plants. 

PROLETARIAN,  n.,  a  member  of  the  proletariat. 

PROLETARIAN,  adj.,  pertaining  to  the  proletariat. 

PROLETARIAT,  n.,  a  class  of  human  beings  in  class 
societies  having  no  other  means  of  existence 
but  the  use  of  their  labor-power  in  the  service 
of  the  ruling  classes.  The  modern  proletariat, 
in  the  strict  meaning  of  the  term,  is  the  class 
of  industrial  wage  workers. 

PSYCHOLOGY,  n.,  the  science  of  the  processes  of  the 
"  soul,"  or  "  mind." 


195 


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